In July 2012 HURFOM reported that residents living in this area of disused Burmese military land had been given until November 2012 to leave their homes and relocate elsewhere. Plots of land were granted in 2005 by the military to people displaced by armed conflict in Southern Karen State, with an upfront fee of 1,500 Baht levied for permission to live in this disused military space. However, plans for military base expansion led to the decision in July by military authorities to reclaim the land.

6 months on from the November relocation deadline, residents remain in their homes. After appeals made to authorities and the payment of fees by residents, individual families have been granted temporary permissions to remain on the land. Yet despite this, the threat of relocation remains; residents have been made aware that they must relocate immediately should orders come through from more senior levels of military authority.

Amongst people living in the settlement, there is an ongoing fear of such an announcement, with forced relocation a disruptive and potentially disastrous eventuality.

“If we have to relocate, it will be hard to rent an apartment with such a big family,” said U Aung Naing Tun, 48, who lives in the settlement with his family of twelve. “We can’t afford to buy a plot of land because nowadays land costs thousands.”

U Aung Ko, 31, expressed similar concerns for his family’s future. “It will be difficult for us to move to another place because we do not own any land. It will be really difficult if we are forced to relocate, because renting a house costs at least 1,500 B per month and other payments such as water and electricity will cost a lot too.”

A lack of clear information from senior authorities about plans for the relocation has exacerbated residents’ fears and concerns. Since the initial announcement in July 2012, people living the settlement have been faced with a silence from senior figures about the relocation, broken by intermittent mixed signals.

On a visit to the settlement, Aung Sat, minister from Karen State, told residents that they could continue to live on the land. However, according to KIC (Karen Information Center), residents of the area were told by Southeast Tactical Command on March 17, 2013 that they were required to move.

U Win, 45, detailed the confusion felt about the military’s plans for the settlement. “Relocation depends on the senior authorities. If they order us to move, we have to move. We have appealed to the chairman to be allowed to stay here longer. When the minister [Aung Sat] visited us here he told us one thing. When the tactical commander came, he told us another. We don’t know who we should listen to. Every commander here tells us a different thing.”

Residents suspect that senior authorities have not articulated clear intentions about the relocation because they are unable to decide amongst themselves about when, if at all, these people must be forced to leave their homes.

Whilst most residents have generally resisted the prospect of relocation, they have also indicated themselves to be willing to move should a suitable alternative be provided. However, thus far no such alternative has been offered.

U Win elaborated, “We heard about an offer of a plot of land in Zee Hnapin in the Chaung Zone hill side. However, the place they offered is not convenient for us because our jobs are here. If they give us land around the city, then we can move.”

The New Mon State Party has put up signs in front of and around villages in Mon state, urging residents to come together to prevent drug use. However, stronger action than this is needed to curb sharply increasing drug use in Mon areas.

A village administrator in Ye Township, Mon State, claimed: “I think 80% of young people use some kind of drugs”. This high figure surprised me, indicating a higher level of drug use amongst our youth than I expected. Whilst Mon authorities accept that a high number of young people across Mon State are using drugs, they do not know how to solve this problem and how to protect young people from drugs.

However, according to village administration this serious drug crisis is not their responsibility, but the government’s. If the Burmese government does not take action, they ask, how can other people deal with this problem?

Regardless, this is a problem that desperately needs confronting. Heavy drug use is not confined to Ye township, but also afflicts Mudon and Thanbyuzayat Township, and even some Mon areas in Karen State.

Young people in numerous Mon villages are becoming the victims of the authorities’ hesitancy to take decisive action on the drugs issue, as they fall into a habit of using drugs that are in plentiful supply and freely available.  They start to skip school, sleep in the streets and become unruly in their villages.

This behavior goes unchecked, with parents and village administration too afraid of these young people to reprimand them. According to New Mon State Party District level administration, parents of drug users often implore them to arrest and detain their children. However, even if this were the solution, restrictions on funds and holding space make it difficult for them to hold drug users in detention for a long stretch of time.

A culture of drug use?

In addition to its detrimental effect on youth, this heavy drug use has begun to infiltrate Mon traditions and culture. More so now than ever (due to increasing village populations), parties are a regular part of Mon village life, from wedding celebrations to festivals. According to Mon tradition, when someone holds a party friends from the village come to help with preparations. In return, the house owner provides them with refreshments. Customarily, friends assisting with party preparations would be given tea, or in more recent time alcohol and M-150 (a Thai energy drink).

However, a growing drugs problem has meant changing customs. A new tradition has been created of distributing drugs to friends as they help to prepare for a party, particularly Ya Ba (a tablet containing a mixture of methamphetamine and caffeine) and “Kratom Leaf” (referred to here under its Mon name, this drug is called “Bai Kratom” in Thailand).

One individual with an active involvement in national affairs confirmed this new custom:

 “Nowadays when we go to a party, instead of providing us with tea the house owner gives us Ya Ba. Some houses provide Opium Leaf.”

Both Ya Ba and Opium Leaf were first used in Thailand before they became popular in Mon State. With Mon people working on Thai rubber plantations all night long, Ya Ba and Kratom Leaf are frequently used by laborers to boost their energy; a trend of drug use which has now spread to most areas in Mon State.

However, in Thailand, if drug users and manufacturers are caught they face heavy punishment from the authorities. Someone who can be shown to have traded 10,000 drug tablets will receive capital punishment.  Kratom Leaf plants are regularly destroyed by the authorities. But in Mon State the situation is very different. People who use drugs are not punished, and so these drugs can be more freely obtained and distributed. It should really be no surprise that, when looking for something to give to friends as they help to prepare for a party, Mon people have moved on from alcohol and M-150 to Ya Ba and Opium Leaf.

We are worried that this is just the beginning, and that one day drugs will seep into all of our customs, creating a new culture of drug use. Which raises the question: is this a culture that the Mon people want?

Who is going to put the bell on the cat?

The predominant issue preventing a decline in drug use is that no one is taking decisive action against this growing problem.

There is an old didactic story that tells of a group of mice, who are afraid of a cat living in their house and discussing what course of action they should take. One mouse asks: “The cat eats a mouse every day. What should we do? After a while another mouse suggests that they put a bell on the cat, so that they will always know when he is coming. The mice consider this for a while, before one of them asks: “Who is going to put the bell on the cat? His question is met with silence.

This is the same silence we face on the Mon people’s growing drug problem. Whilst it is obvious that someone needs to take action against drug use, this responsibility is avoided by all parties. A village leader from Southern Ye Township told us that young people from Thanbyuzayat had indicated that the drug sellers are friendly with armed groups; when this is the status quo, who is going to arrest the drug sellers? Like mice too afraid to solve their problems by belling the cat, citizens are too afraid to try to force these arrests to happen. Even where they know who these traders are, reporting their crimes to authorities friendly with these very traders are a risky move.

As a result, drugs continue to be readily and widely available. A man from Ye township said: “It is easy to buy drugs. We can buy them at the betel nut shop for around 3000-5000 kyat per tablet. It is easy to get drugs if you have friends in Koemine or Hnee Jug villages, or in Yebyu Township.”

Are drugs destroying our mind?

While I was traveling, I met a monk and went to pay him respects. He talked to me about the drug issue. In particular, he told me that other nations have plans to destroy our mind.

I remember a Mon singer named Nai Hong Chan, who sang a song called “Don’t Let Your Mind Be Destroyed” (written by Nai Tala Mon from Kroke Pi village). The message of the song is that, even if your body dies, you must prevent your mind from being destroyed. If a nation’s mind is killed, then the nation is as good as destroyed.

We should be worried about our nation’s drug problem. If, as the village administrator from Ye township suggested, 80% of young people are using drugs, the mind of the Mon people will be destroyed in the next 5 to 10 years as this drug-affected generation grows up to lead our nation. Protecting ourselves against drugs is a national responsibility. Local authorities, armed force groups, political groups, young persons groups, and parents alike must work to remedy the current situation. Otherwise, one day we will wake up to find that not only have our minds been destroyed, but also that our vibrant Mon nation has disappeared.

Introduction

Civil society groups discussed the issue of drug use in a development seminar for Mon people, in order to write a paper about drugs based on as much information from the community as possible. These civil society groups think that young people, as our future leaders, need to take responsibility for their country’s political situation. However, there is a currently a serious drug problem in Mon areas, which gives us cause for concern about young Mon people today and their ability to take on this role. The authors of this paper have researched this topic and written this paper as part of their aim to eradicate drug use in Mon State.

The history of drugs in Mon State

50 years ago people living in Mon State could not buy bottled alcohol. Instead Mon people cooked sugar cane together with another ingredient to turn this into alcohol, making what is called “Ha Jo”. Ha Jo was often given out to guests at parties and social gatherings. In this period alcohol was also made from palm sap and rice.

The beginnings of modern drugs

After the army took over the country, there was a decrease in production of alcohol in the home; the army and other individual traders made deals with drug producers in other countries, with the result that drugs and alcohol started to become available to buy. After the military takeover people in Mon State could buy alcohol, heroin and marijuana, and use of these drugs began.

By 2000, Mon migrant workers in Thailand were also using drugs, including “opium leaf” (referred to here under its Mon name, this drug is called “Ban Ka Tan” by Thais) and Ya Ba. Ya Ba is also very popular in Mon state.

The situation of young people today and the drugs problem in Mon State

In Mon State only 10% of young people start university, of which 7% are female and 3% male. Numerous young people do not complete their education due to financial difficulties, with many migrating to other countries aged 15-16 to seek employment. There is a lack of opportunities for young people to learn about different careers and to develop skills. Many young people fall into bad habits and engage in antisocial behavior, for example stealing and behaving violently.

Today, a high number of young people from across Mon state use alcohol and drugs. Of these drugs Ya Ba is the most dangerous for their futures, due to its behavioral and psychological effects.

Ya Ba emerged in Burma after the 2000 ceasefire between the Burmese government and ethnic armed forces. Using rights gained in the cease fire (particularly those securing freer travel and business) increasing numbers of ethnic armed force members started producing and selling drugs for profit.

Before the ceasefire armed force groups produced drugs in the jungle, but production has since moved to villages, including those in Karen and Mon areas. After the drugs are produced, they are given to young people to sell. Drug use has spread quickly and easily among young people, due to a lack of knowledge about drugs and the unstable political situation diverting attention from the need to tackle increasing drug use.

Mon areas with greatest increases in drug use

The areas in Mon state with the greatest increases in drug use are: Poung Township, Mawlamyine, Kaw Karoak Township, Karinnseik kyi Township, Mudon Townshi, Tanphyusayat Township, Lamine Township, Ye Township, Tenisaryee Devision.

According to leaders from these communities, the percentages of people in each area using drugs are as follows: 10% in poung Township, 30% in Mawlamyine, 45% in Kaw Ka rate Township, 40% in Bar Ann Township, 30% in Choung Sone Township, 35% in Kyike Ma Yaw Township, 40% in Karinnseik Kyi Township, 55% in Mudon Township, 50% in Thanphyuzayat Township, 45% in Lamine Township, 40% in Ye Township (these percentages are approximate, and may be subject to some error).

The effect of drugs

Drug use has spread to most areas in Mon state and it is estimated that almost 50% of young people use drugs.

Drug use has the following effects:

• Hostility between individuals from different townships and villages
• Young people falling into bad habits e.g. stealing, violence, antisocial behavior
• The arrest of drug users, which causes problems for their parents. Parents often end up having to pay fines, and frequently feel ashamed of their children.

How to eliminate drug use

• Solve the underlying political issues
• Educate the community about drugs
• Identify and punish people who use drugs

Conclusion

For the good of our Federation, we need to fight for both human and ethnic rights. In general, political democracy parties fight mainly for human rights, whilst ethnic political parties and armed forces struggle for ethnic rights. However, pursuing both kinds of rights simultaneously is of benefit to both individual citizens and the development of our federation. Otherwise, the struggle for ethnic rights will continue, as will abuses against ethnic groups. Furthermore, without both types of rights there is no easy solution to the spread of drug use amongst young people.

A local witness reports that violence began after police officers seized a Mon National flag held by a group of young men, on the pretext that it was illegal to carry this flag. The flag, widely recognized as the Mon national and Mon State flag, is regularly displayed by individuals at Mon State festivals with no such repercussions.

After the clash, which resulted in the injury of four police officers, the youths fled the scene.

On April 21, 5 police trucks arrived at Kyun-ywa Village, Kyaikmayaw Township in  Mon State. They arrested a group of young men suspected of involvement in the altercation, some of whom were under 15 years of age.

Following interviews with detainees and their families, reports have emerged that many of the suspects have been tortured whilst in police custody.

A 15 year old boy (whose name is withheld) explained:

“I was arrested at my home on April 21. Around 40 to 50 police officers came to the village and arrested all young people suspected of involvement, including me.   After they arrested us they sent us all to Muu-purn police station, in the eastern part of Moulmein (Mawlamyaing).

“Soon after I arrived at the station, they pulled off my longyi [a skirt cloth commonly worn in Burma] and hit me many times.  One of them pushed a needle into my face. They tied me down, opened my mouth and an officer spit betel-nut juice into my mouth.”

The 15 year old and his friends were put in detention, where they remain.

He added that while he was in detention the torture continued; police officers beat his face and body, and came every day to pull his hair. They told him that his hair was too long and so they were going to shorten it. Finally, after two weeks of gradual torture, he lost almost all of his hair.

Sometimes the young men were called separately to the interrogation room and tortured.  The 15 year old suspect alleges that police officers sat him on a stool and tortured him severely, as they tried to make him confess that he and his friends had initiated the violence. Another group of police officials used less violent methods, talking to him and trying to compel him to admit to being a criminal.

After these interrogations, which unconfirmed reports claim also involved electric shock torture, police officers formulated official records for the incident. The group of young men were said to have started the violence, attacking police officers unprovoked. This account of the clash has been circulated widely, and reported in both state and national media.

In total, 11 young Mon men were arrested from Kanar-lay village and Kun-ywa villages in the aftermath of the clash. Whilst police officials initially stated that the men would face trial May 3, this has been postponed to May 8.

On May 6, the Mon Youth Forum (MYF), a coordinating body of Mon youth in Mon State,  issued a statement calling for the unconditional release of these young men. MYF allege that local police forces hold responsibility for the clash, which they say occurred after a police officer tore down the group’s Mon national flag. MYF called for a detailed inquiry and for the guilty officer, named as Sgt. Myint Naing, to be punished.

The case of Daw P— tells a story common to many women living in border villages. Daw P–  is from Japanese Well, a village near the Thai-Burma border. After her first marriage ended in divorce, she was left with two children to care for. She remarried, and worked with her new husband producing and selling coal. With three more children born from this marriage, Daw P’s husband told her that he could not afford to support the two children from her previous marriage, and forced her to take them to a nearby monastery to be cared for by nuns. Daw P’s husband drank heavily and regularly beat her. Often he would drive her out of the house, convinced that she had another husband that she was keeping a secret from him.

Whilst she knew it would mean a struggle to support her children, Daw P finally decided to leave her husband. Speaking now, she says: “I am worried for my children, and I have tried to stay with him in the past, but even though I pitied my children I could not live with him anymore.” Like many border villages, Japanese Well has an active women’s group, who offer assistance to women in situations of difficulty. Daw P contacted the Japanese Well women’s group, who offered her a place to stay in the village’s safe house. For a while, the safe house offered a stable and secure living situation for Daw P and her children. However, difficulties arose again after they left. Whilst Daw P worked hard to earn an income (taking on jobs such as washing, cooking and broom-making), this was often not enough to support both herself and her children.

Daw P’s children regularly ended up in unsafe and sometimes abusive situations. Due to Daw P’s limited income they were unable to attend school, and were often left alone during the day while Daw P was struggling to earn an income for her family. One of her twin girls later told Daw P that when they were left alone to play, other children from the village would take off her clothes and pretend to have sex with her. When Daw P went to look for plants to use to make brooms, she would leave her children with their father. However, the children were equally at risk in his care. He continued to drink heavily, and would often leave the children to sleep outside the house. Sometimes the children became victims of sexual abuse, with their father’s drunken guests touching them inappropriately.

Eventually, Daw P decided to borrow money and move to Bangkok with her five children. Whilst Daw P has found employment, her children remain outside education; she is unable to afford the 250 baht per month required to transport each child to school.

Daw P’s story is just one of many similar cases reported in villages along the Thai-Burma border. Tha—, a 22 year old woman from Kyone Kwee, is another victim of severe domestic violence. Last year she married a man from the village of Kalodkhane. He was already married, but kept this from Mi Tha—. After their marriage, Mi Tha— left the house she shared with her mother in Kyone Kwee and moved to Kalodkhanee to live with her husband.

Mi Tha— was beaten repeatedly by her husband. Eventually she ran away, seeking refuge with her mother in Kyone Kwee worried that her husband would come to take Mi Tha— back to Kalodkhanee, her mother moved with her to the Thai-Burma border township of Three Pagodas Pass. However, Mi Tha— returned to her husband shortly afterwards.

The violence intensified when Mi Tha—‘s mother came to Kalodkhanee to ask her to come with her to the hospital. M Tha—‘s husband refused to let her go. He abducted her and took her to the mountainside, where he beat and strangled her. Worried for her daughter, Thazin Son’s mother alerted the village leader and, together with other village officials, they followed Mi Tha—‘s husband. When they arrived, he fled the scene.

After this incident Mi Tha— divorced her husband. She returned with her mother to Kyone Kwee, where the village women’s group took her to the Japanese Well safe house to seek assistance. Mi Tha— was taken to hospital, where medical tests confirmed that she was pregnant. She remains in hospital and will be given a secure home in the safe house on her discharge.

Both of these cases are typical of the severe domestic violence faced by women living on the Thai-Burma border, and show its deep impact on the lives of women and their children. They also show the key role of community women’s groups in helping victims of domestic violence to escape abusive situations. A member of a women’s group near Three Pagodas Pass claims that assistance offered by women’s groups in the region has caused a decrease in instances of domestic violence. However, she also emphasized: “women and children continue to suffer from domestic violence. We are trying to save the lives of women and children; we want the violence in the family to end.”

Earlier this year, a major from the Karen Peace Council reportedly built a permanent structure in Quarter 3 to house a new, 24-hour casino that touts card games, slot machines, and cockfighting. Residents reported in 2009 that another businessman, U Myo, opened a gambling center and brothel near Shwe U Dawn Lake that regularly offers card games, prostitution, drugs, and alcohol. In 2012, accounts surfaced that a local man was killed when a fight broke out between an indebted gambler and his loan shark. Now, residents were shaken again by reports that the Karen State government will review letters submitted by Thai owners of previously shuttered casinos in TPP requesting permission to reopen.

Local representatives of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) attempted to prohibit slot machines and gambling in TPP as part of their anti-poverty campaign, but a party spokesman described why the move proved unsuccessful.

“We could not manage to close all the gambling centers. We could only prohibit slot machines because many of the casinos are operated by Karen ceasefire groups and people who have ties to the authorities.”

According to a local source that asked to remain anonymous, various armed groups stationed around Three Pagodas Pass are also thought to be responsible for much of the area’s drug production. Residents allege that the local Burmese Army troops, in addition to more than 30 police stationed in TPP, are aware of the illegal drug manufacture and trade, but allow the activities to continue in exchange for bribes.

 Many local people expressed frustration that young people are picking up gambling habits and lamented that some residents rely on gambling for income when job opportunities become scarce. They said the authorities know of the severe impacts gambling can have on impoverished families, but are dissuaded from addressing the issue because of the bribes offered by casino owners. Locals also claimed to pay between 30 and 50 Baht to members of the Border Guard Force for protection, but said the security personnel focus more on collecting taxes at tollgates than tackling illegal activities.

“To advance the residents’ social development, there should not be any gambling, drugs, or human trafficking,” said a member of an armed group who chose to remain anonymous. “First the government should clean those things out to promote the city. Unless the corruption and the gambling centers are gone, the villagers will not attain peace.”

Ye residents pointed out that the government has provided people in neighboring Thanbyuzayat Township with affordable wireless internet connectivity and Mudon Township with inexpensive electricity services. In comparison, Ye Township receives government-supported mobile phone service that can be cheaply accessed by buying a SIM card, but private companies reportedly still dominate utility provision and independently set prices for electricity, transportation, and telecommunications.

“[For business owners] to set up a satellite internet service costs 3,500,000 kyat from SKYNET,” said Ye businessman Nai Nyan Htaw. “However, individual users must each pay 25,000 kyat per month to connect a personal computer if they can’t [afford to] buy the satellite service [themselves]. Unfortunately for younger generations, they may graduate from university but they never learn how to use a computer or communicate via internet.”

Residents of some villages in Ye Township allege paying high premiums to private businesspeople for their electricity. Almost all of the 2,000 households in Duya Village reportedly pay U Kalar Kyi, a businessman from nearby Ah Sin Village, in order to have electricity around the clock. In Mawkanin Village, residents claimed they pay inflated prices to an individual seller from Tavoy in exchange for 12 hours of electricity per day. Private utility providers maintain that their electricity costs are dependent on the fluctuating price of petrol, requiring people to pay over 600 kyat per unit or between 25,000 and 30,000 kyat per month. While many villagers described the rates as burdensome, they said they pay because there is no government-led alternative.

Another complaint registered by Ye Township residents related to the private business monopoly over the 62-mile road between Thanbyuzayat Township and Ye. Every year, local companies allegedly lease the road from the government, thereby assuming responsibility for maintenance. Residents contend that potholes are not properly repaired and instead are filled with stones or coal tar that does not withstand extreme weather or wear from heavy commercial trucks.

“Since the motorway is in such bad condition, the price of products is going up every year,” said a Ye local. “When you order goods [from out of town], you have to pay the truck drivers a lot to deliver.”

U Min Ko Naing, one of the founders of the 88 Generation Students Group, described travelling from Rangoon to Tavoy Township along the Thanbyuzayat motorway.

“Out of all the highways, the road from Thanbyuzayat to Ye Township is the worst one. It shamed me as a citizen, and the authorities or companies responsible for the road should reconstruct the motorway.”

“Queen Shin Saw Puu was the only queen to reign over Mon Hanthawaddy Pegu in lower Burma. During her rule, no fighting occurred between Mon and other ethnic groups because of her influence and skill,” said Nai Shew Thein, a former executive committee member of the New Mon State Party (NMSP). “For this reason we decided Mon Women’s Day should fall on her birthday.”

According to a local source, members of the Border Health Initiative, Woman and Child Rights Project, Mon Women’s Organization, Mon Youth Progressive Organization, and the Mon National Education Committee facilitated the 2013 event in the village of Japanese Well near the Thai-Burmese border.

“As a Mon woman, I am very happy to join this Mon Women’s Day,” said Daw Yone, 46, from Three Pagodas Pass Township. “I have attended the annual Mon Women’s Day four times now. I hope Mon Women’s Day [continues being] held every year.”

A letter sent by NMSP Chairman Nai Htew Mon and read to the attendees in his absence urged Mon women to follow, honor, and take inspiration from Queen Shin Saw Puu and other women engaged with governing Mon kingdoms through authority and intellect.

One local man explained that he has attended the event two years in a row but was disappointed by the turnout.

“I am not entirely pleased because [some] Mon women are not interested in their own day. Only [those present] joined this Mon Women’s Day. [This event] concerns everyone, so they should attend. I suggest that the facilitators invite and urge more people to participate in Mon Women’s Day next year. Nevertheless, it’s good that they are able to celebrate. I am looking forward to seeing the event commemorated every year.”

The roughly 60 mile-long motorway that connects Mudon Township in Mon State to the Thai-Burmese border town of Three Pagodas Pass (TPP) is split by Taung Soon, an intersection near a large village that also branches southwest to Thanbyuzayat. From TPP to Taung Soon, various groups including the Karen National Union (KNU), Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), Burmese Border Guard Forces, and New Mon State Party (NMSP) run an estimated seven tollgates that collect travelling taxes from passing motorists. However, it is the four “unofficial” tollgates between Taung Soon and Mudon that are drawing objections from commercial truck drivers.

“There shouldn’t be any arbitrary tax during [the country’s] transition period,” said one truck owner. “Although there are reforms in the cities, corruption still exists in the remote areas. We want the government to end corruption and extortion everywhere. The government has the right to tax but the transportation taxes charged in this way cost a lot of money, so there is little left for us while these unwelcome tollgates persist.”

Two of the four unofficial tollgates are managed by police officers, one by military troops, and the last by an unidentified group reportedly dressed in civilian clothing but carrying army-issued rucksacks. These anonymous toll collectors set up alongside a rubber plantation near Bayar Nyar Su Village, allegedly stopping trucks in the road to demand payment.

Drivers reported paying 2,000 to 3,000 Kyat at each gate, though the fee can rise to 5,000 Kyat if the toll collectors suspect the truck is illegally transporting people to Thailand. Between Taung Soon and Three Pagodas Pass, travelers pay 2,000 Kyat to the Border Guard Force (BGF), 2,000 Kyat to the DKBA and KNU, and 1,000 Kyat to the NMSP.

“Transporting [goods] in this manner is not convenient, but there is no other option for us to earn money except transportation,” said driver Nai Mg Ngae. “There is not much [profit] left for us after paying the taxes. If there is some problem, we have to use money from our own pockets to fix the truck because the [money we make] does not cover our costs.”

“When [the BGF] initially entered the area, they demanded just half the tax that other gates asked for,” said one truck driver. “If the NMSP collected 700 baht from each truck, [the BGF] took just 400 baht. But now, they take more than the other tollgates. Transportation [via this route] is not convenient for us now. The amount of tax we have to pay is increasing and there is not much [profit] left for us.”

After the NMSP agreed to a ceasefire with the Burmese military in February 2012, the Border Guard Force reportedly entered into a cooperation with the DKBA near Nae Phyar, a village controlled by the KNU but bordering on NMSP-administered area, although the tollgate was not established until the rainy season concluded in October.

“It is easy to negotiate with [toll collectors at] the Mon gates, but we always encounter difficulty with the Burmese Border Guard Forces [regarding] the tax,” said a truck owner who transports goods from Sangkhlaburi to Ye Township. “[The BGF] always demand double the tax charged by other tollgates. Although they are paid salaries by the government, they still collect double the tax. Each traveler has to pay 2,000 Kyat to that gate while other gates ask 1,000 Kyat.”

He added that, each time he passed through the gate, he appealed to the BGF toll collectors to charge the same amount as other groups, but was allegedly intimidated at gunpoint and once had his vehicle fired upon after refusing to pay the tax.