Gov’t Battalion Burnt Down farming huts after Confiscating the Farms

During the last two weeks of September 2011, troops led by Captain Min Htun, from the government’s Infantry Battalion (IB) No.62, burnt down huts owned by villagers on their farms. Once again, these troops frightened local residents that [if there is any] house, hut or any other construction, built on land marked as ‘Army Land’ by the government, the Infantry Battalion would burn all down. According to local farmers, those farms are not property of the army. Since the land owners/farmers did not have any funds to cultivate their farms, these farms have been abandoned approximately two-and-a-half years ago. However, those abandoned farms were seized by IB No. 62, which was deployed to guard the gas pipeline.

Saw Naing Win (pseudonym for security purposes),owner of damaged property, explained how his hut, which was as large as an ordinary house, a hut to store hay, and a cowshed were burnt down by the IB No. 62:

“I have become so poor that I could not finance my farm, as I did not have any money to invest in it. These investments would include the costs of [paddy] seedlings, fertilizers, pesticides, and hiring laborers. Since 2009, for this reason, my 6-acre farm has been left without being cultivated. Now, the army took over, assuming the farmers no longer work on their farms. Yet, the army men did not only confiscate the farms, but they also burnt down three huts on my farm as they took over the farm. These were all my belongings. Now, I have only two oxen left with me. My daughters and sons are now working in Thailand. Since they cannot send money back, I can not cultivate the farm. It was in September that eight government soldiers came to burn down the huts on my farm. The leader was Capt. Min Htun. But, now he has transferred to somewhere else – that is what I heard. I am attempting to and want to get my farm back, so help me please,” said Saw Naing Win.

According to Saw Naing Win and his wife, similar to their experiences and sufferings, eight other farm-owners were unable to cultivate their farms. These farmers had their farms confiscated in Sa-khan Gyi village and comprised of 48 acres in total. Until today, those farms are left without being cultivated as Army Land and the farms are given to the Sa-khan Gyi village’s administrator.

Rubber Plantation owners wishing to get back the plantations after over one year confiscated

Rubber plantation owners in Thanbyuzayat, expressed that they want to regain and work on their plantations that were confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No. 62. These plantation owners are native to Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Out, Pain Nae-taw and Ka-line Pa-daw villages and stated that they requested human rights activists to help them get back their plantations after they had their plantations seized over one year ago.

“The rubber plantation that our family owns is 8.4 acres.  The rubber trees were as old as 30 years when they were taken over last year. Our rubber plantation was confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No.62 and Wae Kalee based Military Advanced Training School captains. After confiscating the plantation, IB No. 62 charged [us, the owners] 20,000 Kyat for the permission of tapping the rubber trees on [our] own plantation.  After 3 months of working on our farm, the rubber trees on our plantation became 30 years and the trees were pretty old. So, they cut down the old rubber trees. The villagers from Taung Out village were forced to work on cutting down the rubber trees, and then plant new rubber plants during the beginning of the rainy season. For us, we wanted to get back to our plantation. And, we wanted to work on our plantation again. Now, it has been over one year since the plantation was taken over.  I am a bit worried that it will be difficult to request to get our plantation back, if it was confiscated such a long time ago. In this case, for us, we need help from those activists or groups working to improve our land and human rights,” said Nai Chan Dein.

Nai Chan Dein [pseudonym], 46, a Sa-khan Gyi villager, is now working on the remaining three acres of his rubber plantation in Sa-khan Gyi village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State. HURFOM conducted an interview with him in the second week of November.

Plantation owners still charged with monthly allowances by the ARC No.315 for not to seize the plantations

A Taung Aunk villager, Saw Pain Phyo [pseudonym], 40, who wants to keep working on his 5-acre rubber plantation recounts that he [has to] continue paying a monthly 30,000 Kyat fee to Captain Taw Zin Htun from Artillery Regiment Command No. 315 for the permit of tapping rubber trees on his own plantation:

“It is as if they took over my rubber plantation. Most of the land [rubber plantations] that has been considered as Army Land, is confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No. 62, Military Advanced Training School No. 4 based in Wae Kalee village, and Artillery Regiment Command (ARC) No. 315. When they took over the plantations, there was no proof shown and there were no official letters that ordered that our land would be confiscated. These officials, acting on behalf of the government would set up signs indicating that our land would be Army Land for four months and then ended up seizing our plantations. Later, a verbal order from Sergeant-level Aye Kyaw from ARC No. 315 came to me that I have to pay 30,000 Kyat in monthly allowances, if I want to keep working on my 5-acre plantation. This was all last year, after the water festival. Now still, I have to pay these fees. But, the people that are in-charge to collect the monthly fees changed; yet people come to gather fees as usual. Even during rainy season, we are being charged although we cannot tap rubber trees during this season. We know that it’s not fair to pay money to work on a plantation that is ours; however, we continue to pay fees although we are short of money. This is because we are just worried that those who can pay will come to work on our plantation and we will lose our plantation if we do not pay 30,000 Kyat every month. Because of these costs, we cannot afford to send our daughter to school. We have managed to survive and pay these fees, so far. To solve this issue, I am not brave enough to report about this to anyone, not even brave enough to report during this new government’s term. I can only continue to wait what will happen. I cannot do anything since the army men are still here. Like me, there are more than 40 other rubber plantation owners who do not want to have their plantations lost and have to pay 20,000 – 50,000 Kyat fees per month respectively, depending on how many acres their plantations are,” remarked by Saw Pain Phyo.

Saw Pain Phyo is 40 years old and he is from Taung Aunk village, Thanbyuzayat Township.  HURFOM conducted an interview with him on 2 December, 2011, after meeting him in Ye Township.

The Infantry Battalion No.62 is based in Thanbyuzayat Town and the Military Advanced Training School No. 4 and Artillery Regiment Command No. 315 are based in Wae Kalee village, Thanbyuzayat Township. It is obvious that the government troops stated above continue to violate the local residents’ rights despite installing a new civilian government. Also, even though the signs of change are startling in the country, for those locals residing in rural areas, particularly in Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Aunk, Pain Nae-taw, and Ka-line Pa-daw villages, Thanbyuzayat Township, no changes have been implemented. Instead, villagers continue to suffer from the same human rights abuses that they faced during the former government – the State Peace and Development Council.

]]> http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2209/feed 0 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2204 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2204#comments Fri, 20 Jan 2012 05:03:09 +0000 HURFOM http://rehmonnya.org/?p=2204 Northern Yebyu, Tenasserim Division: The local villagers who make their livelihood through fishing along coastal areas of North-West of Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division, were abused by the navy administrative unit No. 43, which, according to the field records, operates under Mawrawaddy Navy Command.  During the interviews, the locals mentioned that the navy units continues to commit abuses such as extorting money, commandeering fishing boats, demanding gasoline and rations and forcing the local villagers to serve as guards.  These field records were collected from ten locals in fishing villages in North-West of Yebyu Township by two field reporters from HURFOM between December 28^th 2011 and January 10^th 2012.

The local navy administrative unit No. 43 has been collecting a monthly fee which ranges from twenty thousand kyats to seventy thousand kyats per household,  as local security subsidy from the villagers of Kyauk Hta-yan village, which has over 160 households, and Da-Min-Seik village, which has about 80 houses.  Ko Thar Kyi (Not real name), 36, who depends on fishing for his living, said on January, 2 that unlike villages in other regions, (his village) had to pay heavy monthly security fee to the government navy unit and have suffered from many abuses, including financial abuse.

“The fishermen from our village had to pay more local security fees.  Fishermen can make money (easily) when they catch more fish and prawns.  Therefore, the navy officials showed reason that the peaceful livelihood of the villagers is due to their fully-supported security services. The households which have only one fishing boat are obligated to pay twenty thousand kyat per month. The households which own more than one boat are forced to pay general security fees on up to seventy thousand kyat every month. Thousands of kyat has been paid to the navy unit No 43.  Our livelihood is just easier than those of hand-to-mouth people.  A big problem occurs on the day we cannot work.  When that time comes, extracting from our saved money for food, the monthly fee of twenty thousand (kyats) has to be paid.”

Ko Thar Kyi and most of his neighbors have to pay twenty thousand kyat to Navy Official Captain Min Zaw Moe who used to be based in Kywe Thone Nyi Ma. Moreover, for military transportation, their boats were commandeered at least three times per month.  Each time [if commandeered] it could last from one day to two days, said Ko Win Myint [not real name], Own-pin-kwin villager and boat owner.

“Besides monthly security fee, our boats, including boat drivers, were commandeered to transport the staff and troops from the navy unit.  We had to use our own petrol during commandeering. Each time of commandeering, the boats were used at least one day.  Two gallons of petrol were consumed per day.  No one dared to complain.  Even the village administrator had to arrange (the commandeering).  When we were commandeered, we could not go for fishing and could do nothing even if we had work to do.  During the visit of the higher-ranking officials, the commandeering could last up to one week.  If the one’s turn coincides with the visit, the one has to be suffered a lot.  During these days, the commandeering without any reasons occurred frequently.  In the previous years, each boat was commandeered only one time per month.  The village headman said that these events happened according to the order of Commander Major Ye Lin Tun.”

Unlike other villagers in Yebyu Township, Kyauk Hta Yan and Da-Min-Seik villagers have to make their livelihoods only on fishing, not on plantation and other businesses.  Even the less-earned small boat owners could not avoid the abuses of the local-based government’s navy unit.  The households who go for fishing with small boats which do not include engine and has to be paddled manually was ordered to pay one gallon of gasoline per month to the navy authorities of Kadike harbor situated in the estuary of the Heinze river, according to U Htun Myint [not real name], 55, a resident of Own-pin-kwin village.

“For the fishing permits of our (small) boats which do not include engines, we had to buy a gallon of gasoline which equates to five thousand kyat in cash monthly (and pay it to the navy unit).  We had to bring the gasoline to the navy base of Kadike Harbor.  It was an order stated that the locals could not go for fishing in Heinze River unless they paid a gallon of gas. Without paying (a gallon of gas), there were nothing they could do. We had to pay with fear.  In reality, no one wants to pay a gallon of gasoline.  In the past, small boats like ours did not need to pay this amount of gas.”

Even the permission of fishing along Heinze River and at its entrance was granted after paying a gallon of gasoline to the local navy authorities. He frequently mentioned that the navy men forcefully demanded good and big prawns and fish that he had caught, said Hla Win [not real name], over 20, as below.

“Forceful demanding of fish and prawns was often encountered. If demanded fishes and prawns were not given to them (the navy men), difficulties was to be expected in the future.  We can only earn money from those fish and prawns. And, if demanded fish and prawns were not given to the navy soldiers, fishing could be banned and we could face further hardship.  Now, like in the past, we are still abused.  Nothing obviously became better.  Fish are not abundantly caught like in the past, so we have to struggle a lot for our food.”

In late November of 2011, a Kyauk Hta Yan-resident youth who lives in Moulmein, Mon State came to the villagers of Kyauk Hta Yan, Own-pin-kwin and Da-Min-Seik villages and delivered papers and information which are useful for reporting to International Labor Organization(ILO).  According to the information, the villagers have the right to report to ILO when they have to be involved in forced labor and suffered from oppression.  However, the authorities of the navy administrative unit No 43 had heard about this news (of sharing information) and a few days later, intimidation from the navy unit appeared, said U Shwe (pseudonym).

“They [the navy authorities] chased the youth who said that the abuse cases should be reported to ILO and they wanted to arrest him, the young man.  He is an educated youth, who lives in an urban area and knows about ILO.  Now, he is not in this village.  Later, it was said that the authorities from the Navy Administrative Unit No. 43 called and intimidated the village administrative team.  The village administrator re-told the villagers that they were intimidated that if there is a report to ILO, and they all will be arrested.  Therefore, everyone is silent and too afraid to report the abuse cases to ILO.”

According to the interviews conducted with locals in Yebyu Township, it shows that the human rights abuses such as land confiscation, extortions (related to owning lands), forced labors, and monthly allowances ( for work permit, which allows the rubber plantations owners to work on their plantations) have increased in most villages in Yebyu Township, despite the aftermath of new civilian government’s installation, which is led by President Thenin Sein, instated in March, 2011 after the nationwide elections.

“Myanmar National Human Rights Commission” (MNHRC) which was formed and is led by the civilian government does not come to collect and document those happening abuse cases, and there is no victim who dares to report up-to-date information to ILO.

“Even the government itself said that the structure, members and policies of the government have been changed. There is no real change and development yet in spite of the government’s claim. This is because the [human rights abuses] cases that locals in the region face committed by local based military men, who do not seem to care and respect the government’s order and power, still exist. In fact, during this transition period, the abuses should be stopped earlier,” remarked by a former school teacher, from Alae Sa-khan village, Yebyu Township.

Comparing with the ongoing local abuse cases, a former school teacher, analyzed the national development and the situation of human rights.

Kadike Navy Command operates under Heinze Naval Region Command Head Quarter and the navy administrative unit No 43 is based in Own-pin-kwin Village located near Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island.  After late 2010, over one thousand acres of rubber and perennial fruit plantations were confiscated and about 3,000 acres of rubber plantation were surveyed to be confiscated in the mid of 2011. According to reports from HURFOM’s researchers, the local authorities are making money by granting permission to the owners to work in the confiscated plantations after receiving monthly allowances.

In Burma (also known as Myanmar), the new President Thein Sein (former Gen. Thein Sein) has attempted to move towards democratization or a democratic transition, by establishing a dialogue with pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and allowed her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), to participate in the general elections.  In order to show a positive change, the government also released a small number of political prisoners.

However, the Burmese Army still operates military offensives against ethnic rebel groups in Karen State, Shan State and Kachin State whilst the government has conducted ceasefire talks. Human rights violations have continued in these areas and thousands of ethnic civilians continue to suffer from abuses committed by troops of the Burmese Army. [Download Report in PDF format] | [Map]

In many non-conflict ethnic ceasefire areas, government authorities and troops of the Burmese Army continue to commit human rights violations in the rural areas.  The change of governmental system – from military regime to democratically elected government – has contributed too little change for Burma’s rural ethnic population. Subsequently, the changes that have been applied are not appreciated by those affected by them.

From [October to December, 2011], Human Rights Foundation of Monland – Burma’s (HURFOM) field reporters gathered human rights violations cases through conducting interviews with local residents of the villages under the administration of Yebyu, Ye, and Thanbyuzayat townships. These villages include those that are situated on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island and nearby it, in Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division, and some in Ye Township, while most are lying along the highway of Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State.

The fact-findings in this report show that those residents from the villages mentioned above experience various human rights abuses: such as extortion, arbitrary taxation, forced labor, land confiscation, ill-treatment, sentry duty and obstructing village security in their daily life committed by local based government’s battalions and navy units.

Furthermore, it reveals that 10 years after the gas pipeline construction between Kanbauk and Myaing Kalay, villagers residing along the highway of Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township are still demanded to provide security fees for the gas pipeline, its sentry and duties of village security. Villagers have also had their lands seized and marked to be confiscated recently. Additionally our information unveils that the villagers are forced to give information of ethnic insurgency groups to local government officers and required to report every day even though no such groups travel by, or enter the villages. Consequently, these villagers have to leave their work behind as they have to report, and because they are unable to go to work, they face difficulties for their survival. In addition, the villagers living on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island not only have their land seized, but also have to provide the local based Navy Army with allowances for them to work on their own rubber and betel nut plantations and other long-term crops plantations. In addition, the villagers on the Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island and its surrounding villages have to provide woods and other materials for buildings of local based Burmese Army offices and barracks; yet those villagers are also charged to pay a large amount of money if they could not provide the woods.

HURFOM’s objectives are to document and report human rights violations cases, taken place mainly in three regions: Mon State, Karen State, and the Tenasserim Division, to promote human rights and lessen the chance of future violations. Thus far, HURFOM has found out that like in the periods of previous governments, the human rights violations are still committed by the government troops even though a National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is formed in Burma. Also, despite a new civilian-led government has been formed, Burma’s local residents do not see any signs of change in their villages. In fact, the villagers are facing human rights abuses more frequently by the government troops of the government that was inaugurated in, 2010, than during the time the government was led by Senior General Than Shwe.

In Burma, to show the signs of heading toward reforms, President Thein Sein has conducted many rounds of dialogues with pro-democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in addition to allowing her party the National League for Democracy (NLD) to take part in the upcoming by-elections and releasing a small number of political detainees.

On the afternoon of August 19, 2011, Burma’s President Thein Sein held the first talk with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at his office in the Presidential Residence in Naypyidaw. People in the country hoped that the meeting would bring about changes and prominent development in political spheres. Suu Kyi and the president reportedly enjoyed a cordial conversation, though no details of the meeting were released by either site. Burmese state newspaper -The New Light of Myanmar – reported the meeting from a different angle: “The president and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi tried to find out the potential common grounds to cooperate in interests of the nation and the people putting aside different views.” However, the news report did not explore what “potential common grounds” were discussed.

Between July 25 and October 30 2011, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met government’s liaison minister U Aung Kyi four times. During her talks with the liaison minister, she revealed her widespread concerns about the recent conflicts in Kachin State, Shan State and Karen State. Whatever assurances she received, sceptic caution that the previous regime’s divide and rule tactic between minority ethnic groups and democratic forces will come back into play remain. Suu Kyi still believes that the regime will continue to exclude ethnic groups from the dialogue.

Despite minor reforms and the release of approximately four hundred political prisoners, a vast majority of Burma’s political prisoners remains detained. Here again, the government’s motive to release political prisoners is aligned with promoting international relations. Combined with the significant increase in human rights abuses by the Burmese Army, including the use of gang-rape against ethnic minority women and children, the outlook for genuine reform in Burma remains bleak.

“The release of political prisoners should be welcomed, but these releases are not enough to justify the lifting of any sanctions”, said Wai Hnin Pwint Thon. “Today is a day of joy for the families of those who have been released, but for many more, it is a day of sadness and disappointment, as their father, mother, husband, brother, or sister remains in jail. This is a reality check; change has not come to Burma yet.”

While many people deeply believe that the regime’s authorities are making remarkable steps implementing various forums posing as democracy advocates, spouting pipe-dream visions of approaching democracy through peaceful means, the government’s battalions shock-troops are violating the rights of ethnic minority groups in Kachin State, burning their villages and crops, making sure there is no peace in the homeland of ethnic Kachin.

As the result of the civil-war in the Kachin territory, an estimated 40,000 locals have been displaced in war-torn areas of Kachin State, but until Tuesday the Burmese government authorities had only allowed the UN World Food Program to distribute foods to the nearly 6,000 refugees in the government-controlled areas of Kachin State. Fighting in the region continues despite the reports that President Thein Sein, issued a written statement signed on Dec. 10 ordering Burmese army chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing to halt military operations against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) except for self-defense purposes. The statement has not yet been publicly announced, but its existence was revealed to local journalists by the Kachin State chief minister at a fund-raising ceremony for Kachin war refugees.

There does not appear to be any current prospect of a formal ceasefire agreement between the KIA and the government troops because the KIA’s political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), has explicitly said that it is seeking a political dialogue with the goal of autonomy and will not accept Burma’s current parliamentary system dominated by former military generals under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, which they say includes only minimal rights for ethnic minority groups.

“We are not informed of the reported order by President Thein Sein to the army to hold attacks against us, but nonetheless the fighting will go on because the government army has already occupied a number of our military bases in its recent offensives and because we are yet to hold a true political dialogue with the government,” said by KIO/KIA spokesperson La Nan, adding that the Burmese army reinforced its troops in Myitkyina and Bhamo townships of Kachin State on December 12th, 2011.

On the other hand, the regime continues building dams which will adversely affect not only ethnic minority farmers, but farmers throughout the land. Land is still confiscated for pipelines & railways, which keep the stolen resources flowing out of the country, and agro-projects, which usually replace rice fields with non-edible cash crops.

The people in the communities in Mon State, Karen State and the Tenasserim Division under the government’s controlled areas have known that there was a change of government due to 2010’s elections and know well who won in the elections.  However, many of these people rural areas said there have been no changes in administrative system because the people still suffer from paying taxes, and the authorities are still corrupt.  Many types of human rights violations such as illegal taxation, extortion, forced labor and land confiscation have continued.

Many people in conflict zones and those that did not have the right to vote during the last election feel the situation remains the same. People are still displaced due to fighting and human rights violations.  Still many face problems in terms of getting food and trying to find stable sources of livelihood.

HURFOM has closely monitored what is happening in both conflict zones and non-conflict areas.  Its human rights workers in the field have traveled to various parts of Mon State, Karen State and the Tenasserim Division and interviewed local people to document human rights violations.

In many parts of Mon State and Karen State, the Burmese Army is still deploying their battalions close to villages and the local villagers are suffering from abuses by Burmese Army soldiers.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the then-ruling military junta – the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) – instituted the ‘Four Cuts Policy’ (Pya Ley Pya in Burmese), that successfully undermined insurgent forces belonging to Karen and Mon political parties. While the agreement to a ceasefire between the New Mon State Party (NMSP) in 1995 officially ended the hostilities with the Burmese military junta, the ceasefire failed to guarantee the well-being of communities on the periphery of Mon territory. Due to the continued presence of insurgent Mon splinter factions and Karen armed units, the Burmese military government, reconstituted in 1989 as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) declared nearly 90 percent of the territory in northern Tenasserim Region and southern Mon State a ‘black area’ or a ‘free fire zone’, in which military units were given designated regions to carry out policies of extortion, seizing of goods and land, arrest, rape, torture, and even summary execution.

Since HURFOM’s inception, its field reporters have documented the extensive and continuous abuses committed by SPDC battalions against villagers, often regardless of the verifiable presence of insurgent forces. This number of insurgent groups’ presence in the area since the days of the ‘Four Cuts Policy’ have been few, and ever deceasing in number compared to the presence of Burmese army battalions. Currently active insurgent forces are predominantly the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), unknown Mon insurgent splinter groups (locally known as the Nai Hapwe group) and units from the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) Brigade No. 4 are periodically active in the area. The local Burmese Army units include LIBs[1] No. 282, No. 273, IBs No. 61, No. 31 and No. 409, coastal army units, Navy No. 43 which operates under Military Operation Management Command (MOMC) No. 8. These battalions have the capacity to field between 80 to 300 soldiers each at any one time.

The regions of focus in this report, southern Mon State and Northern Tenasserim Division, are geographically mostly comprised of mountainous and hilly terrain. This difficult terrain is a natural gift to armed insurgent groups desiring to hide from their enemies. However, while the area is home to an extremely high number of battalions, this is more due to government’s demand for security over the presence of the Kanbauk to Myaingkalay natural gas pipeline, which provides the military junta a significant income from foreign investment. According to analyses of the military movement in this area regarding the excessive positioning of military bases, issues surrounding pipeline security are the key causes behind the continuous commitment of human rights violations.

The industries of local rubber and betel-nut plantations, paddy fields and perennial fruit-orchards that employ local residents have been hit hard by the abuses documented in this report. HURFOM researchers have learned that 75% of these crops could not be harvested in the area due to travel restrictions ordered in the last two and a half months, according to the information gathered during interviews with residents. This research indicates that due to the severity of abuses, loss of crops and much needed income threatens a possible collapse of the areas’ agrarian economy.

Methodology

The majority of the facts in this report are based on field data collections conducted in Southern Mon State, in townships such as Thanbyuzayat and Ye, and in the Northern Tenasserim Division, such as northern Yebyu Township, Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island in which Navy Unit No. 43 began confiscating land in December 2010. In order to collect the evidence, five field reporters in two teams interviewed 38 subjects in 22 villages; these include 11 interviews from villages in Thanbyuzayat Township, 10 interviews from villages in Ye Township, and 7 interviews from Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island, northern Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division, southern Burma. This report also includes 4 interviews collected by telephone from farmers who were recently violated by money extortion regarding their owned land.

Due to area restrictions and security toll-gates set up by local government battalions, gathering data and directly asking questions to local farmers in the targeted areas were intensely difficult and in some cases members from local based Community Based Organization (CBO) assisted with important information that HURFOM felt added to the strength of this report. HURFOM also drew extensively on the knowledge of three local residents who helped with gathering information from individual incidents, background information, and confirmation on facts in the interviews as well as invaluable context and assistance in replying to targeted follow-up questions.

The people of southern Burma continue to live under a highly authoritarian military regime that is widely condemned for its serious human rights abuses. HURFOM field reporters have conducted interviews with villagers residing in the villages located between Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships. The following findings are voice files recorded from the villagers who are the witnesses and victims of human rights abuses committed in their areas. The majority of those who committed human rights abuses are local based battalion officers and their fellows. Their oppressing of local residents has not changed since human rights violations committed during the last’s government term. These voice-recorded files below are gathered from males and females from 14 villages.

Lives for the villagers living in Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships do not seem to have changed, even though signs of change have been cried out across the country under the administration of this new government. Instead, villagers face the same abuses, which are forced labor and extortion – charged as gas pipeline’s security fees that were also levied during the last government’s term.

The villagers in Wae-rat village are still charged with security fee of gas pipeline by Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 despite the aftermath of new civilian-led government installation.

“Now, many people believe that there are changes in the country in the phase of this new government. But, we, the villagers from our village still have to pay 15,000 Kyat to Thanbyuzayat based Burmese Army — Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62. That is the fee for gas pipeline security”, said by Nai Kyaw Moe (not real name), 55, from Wae-rat village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State.

Quoted below, a Karen person, 28, from Bae La-mu village, Ye Township, remarked what kind of changes are taking place in his region:

“It was announced that the country [‘s government] would move to reform and changes in a right direction after the 2010 general elections. But, now the year 2011 is almost over and nothing changed in our region that shows reform. Yet, one thing has changed, that is the ‘name’ [of local based government offices]. Before, the local authorities demanded us to call them District Peace and Development Council (DPDC), Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC), and Village Peace and Development Council (VPDC). But now we’re required to call District Administration (DA), Township Administration (TA), and Village Administration (VA). This is what has been changed so far,” remarked by A Karen villager, 28, from Bae La-mu village, Ye Township, Mon State.

The Burmese Army still charges security fees of the gas pipeline and forces villagers to go on sentry in the villages situated between the railway and highway of Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township, during this civilian government’s term. According to U Htun Hla (not real name), a Mae Paw villager, the villagers in his village are still demanded by Burmese Army Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 to pay the security fees and to carry out sentry duties. And, from the same battalion, two groups are formed and one group comes to collect the fees while another group orders the villagers to go on sentry.

“Now, the village where I live is located between the railway and highway linking Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State. There are 10 villages in total lying nearby Wae Ka-mee, Ah-nin, and Kyaung Ywae villages situated between the high-way of Ye-Thanbyuzayat. Those villages are located right along the Kanbauk to Myaing Kalay gas pipeline. For the security of the gas pipeline, we the villagers are demanded by the Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 led by Major Tin Maung Htun to go on sentry in turn. Like before, those who can’t guard the pipeline have to pay; each household has to pay 1,000s – 15,000 kyat. Sometimes, we have to be guards while we also have to pay fees for pipeline security. There is one group giving orders to us to go on sentry, and there is another group collecting money for pipeline security. So, two groups were made from IB No.62. What I meant here is that we as villagers who have no power are affected for two reasons. We cannot go to our work but we are used as free laborers for them. And, we have to take our saved money to pay them as they demanded. So, nothing changes; it is just the same as before,” said by U Htun Hla.

U Htun Hla is 52 years old and he is working on rubber plantation. HURFOM conducted an interview with him on November, 22, in Mae Paw village, Thanbyuzayat Township.

Local Area Security and Abuses

That is not only what villagers have faced as a result of the constructed the gas pipeline, but they also have faced many other abuses committed by government troops guarding the gas pipeline. The following is an incomplete list of what the Burmese Army has demanded of villagers:

• They [Burmese Army] order villagers to go on sentry for the security of gas pipeline.
• They order villagers to patrol the villages (in addition to guarding the gas pipeline)
• They demanded villagers to pay security fees to those who ordered them to pay. And if these villagers cannot guard designated areas themselves, they have to compromise by paying fees.
• They demanded villagers to support village militia troops and to provide the troops with rations.
• They use villagers guides if they get informed about the insurgency groups ( while sometimes these villagers are used as guides, sometimes this task implies being a human shield for Burma Army troops).
• They order the villagers to carry the army’s rations.
• They steal fruit, vegetables, and livestock of villagers.
• They ask villagers about insurgent groups and ask whether these villagers have contacts with insurgent groups when they are on the front line heading into jungle eastern of Ye Township. (If the villagers do not know about that or do not have any contact with, they are asked by them whatever they want and then blamed. And, if the villagers are males they will be used as porters besides taking over what they, the troops, wanted)
• When villagers are in the frontline, those who living in the countryside along the way where they [the Burmese battalion’s troops] are heading to are verbally abused. Those local people are the young girls and married women from the families of Mon, Karen, and other ethnic people. Sometimes, they are questioned about rebels, and they are even asked questions concerned with sexuality, causing shyness.
• They told off those local people who cannot speak Burmese well, and they look down and discriminate them.
• They beat up and torture local people.

Those abuses continue to be committed by government troops just like before and those are the ongoing abuses. This account above was remarked by U Thar Myint Aye, former member of VPDC committee, and he is from Ka-nin Ka-maw village, Ye Township, Mon State.

Human Rights Abuses in Bal La-muu and Ka-nin Ka-maw villages, Ye Township

The interviews conducted with two villagers as shown below reveal that although the new civilian-led government has been installed and steps of changes have startled in the country, the villagers do not see any signs of change in their region. Rather, they face some human rights abuses committed by the government’s battalions. Due to the ongoing human rights abuses, they urge the ministers from President Thein Sein’s administration and respective regions and townships to come and monitor those abuses.

Bellow, a 42 year old Karen villager from Bal La-muu, Ye township, Mon State, describes what kind of abuses the villagers have to face and how they have to respond if they can not provide information required by the government’s battalion :

“Last August and September, when LIB No. 591 and LIB No.583 based in Kyaung Ywae village merged with IB No.61 based in Ye town, they staged an operation to drive KNLA battalion No. 16 and No. 18 away. While doing this, they abused villagers by using these villagers as porters and as human shields. The LIBs and IBs would arrest people for no reason and, as punishment, abuse them in the ways that I just mentioned. They would also order villagers around to inform them about rebel groups. If people did not know anything about rebel groups, they would be charged by paying bags of rice, bottles of cooking oil and livestock. That is what has changed; people are still charged with crimes they did not commit. There have not been any changes. Like before, locals are still forced to be laborers and are still oppressed,”

As an observer of political issues and the military situation in his region, U Kyaw Hlaing (not real name), 60, gives his opinion and describes how military men have more influence than the government and how the locals are suffering:

“My opinion is that, in this region, the military government is more influential than the civilian government. U Thein Sein’s government and respective region and township ministers should see the oppressions made by the troops and monitor this.  Claims about positive changes don’t have any value, as they are not real. That is what the politicians talk about, they say things as “There are changes in the country; we are heading to a path of reform”, I think they are just dreams. In reality, like before, we are still oppressed. And then, our life which has been stamped gets torn apart. That is how the government troops have oppressed us. If the army does not suppress or cause us to suffer, we would not suffer. We do not want to see our people abandon their homes and lands and go aboard to work as slaves.”

U Kyaw Hlaing is 60 years old and he is from Kyaung Ywae village but lives in Ka-nin Ka-maw village.

Ma Hla Than [not real name], 30, who is a Mon villager living in Ah-Nin village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State, remarked the human rights violations that are taking place in his village and its neighboring village:

“Now, the sentry for gas pipeline security, fee for security, measuring lands and selling the lands after taking over have started happening in Wae Ka-mee village and Ah-nin village. This started last August.”

A Wae Taw villager, 40, whom sells lottery tickets to make a living, explained how land is surveyed and measured by managers and government staff of an unknown company from the department of the Land measurement and Survey Department:

“Uncultivated lands and virgin soils are sold by the government to different companies. This land is divided into plots and sold by the company to local residents. We saw that the company managers and staff came with their cars to do surveys and measured the land from end of August tothe second week of September. The government staff from Land Measurement and Survey Department came to measure the land. I do not know what that company is,”

An interview with Nai Thein Myint [not real name], 67 from Thanbyuzayat, shows how land intends to be seized in Ah-nin village:

“I have lived here my entire life. How can there be uncultivated lands and virgin soils here? We have lived our whole lives farming these lands and plantations. Those lands have just been left about 3 to 4 years without cultivating them as the owners face difficulties for their survival. And, since they do not have enough money to invest, they cannot afford cultivating their lands. To keep working on the land, the owners have to hire labors and buy fertilizers. Yet, they invest more money on the products they need to cultivate their land than the profit they get from their land. Additionally, as landowners, we get extorted by Burmese Army troops, so that is why we just leave our lands without cultivating. And, we heard that now, the government and company owners will come to take over the lands. If they take over, the owners will definitely fall apart. These companies will also measure fourteen acres of my daughter’s. She is very frustrated and depressed. That is what happens here now. No one knows when they will come to confiscate our lands yet. But, we are sure that someone in the name of the government will seize our lands.” In regards to the new government Nai Thein Myint mentioned that “We know that there is a new unjust government installed but like I said earlier, there is no positive change and reform,”

A villager, 36, working as a Karen literature and culture teacher in Wae Ka-mee village, Ye Township, Mon State described how his ethnic people have faced sufferings, rights abuses, injustice, and oppressions and no changes promoting human rights have been taken place yet:

“If we look back since the nationwide elections and ask how the government troops have oppressed us – the Karen people, the questions can be answered by Wae Lay villagers as witnesses [and victims]. Today still, human rights abuses are still happening. Like what my cousin faced, many other Karen people were degraded by government’s troops said. We would hear: “You are Karen people born as rebels whom for us to kill” and mentally and physically suffered, before getting killed, by the Burmese troops. That is what happened after the elections. We Karen people are the ones that are suffering the most abuses committed in the armed conflicts compared to other ethnic groups. It is also true that Mon people have suffered by losing their businesses. But, regarding deaths, we Karen people suffer more. However, if we look back, we will see that the news spreading in Naypyidaw and Rangoon is about positive political changes. The only positive changes are in theory, but not in real life. We are just like “the sand was poured into water. And, yes, there will be visible if water was poured in the sand.” Now, we will only recognize changes if there is no injustice and oppression inflicted by the government troops even if these troops say they are part of a new government or democratic government.”

While the vast majority of the villages in the region faced multiple instances of gross human violations, such as forced labour, land confiscation, money and properties extortion, torture by accusation as rebels, at least eleven villages in southern Mon State and northern Tenasserim Division have faced abuses by the SPDC army, including forced portering and forced labor on the construction of a village fence, as well as day and night security duty. The fencing project around these affected villages is compounds designed to entirely encircle the village, an unusual order compared to previous demands for fence construction that required only partial fence construction. The apparent aim of the battalions that issued these orders is to separate each village from outside contact not made through any of army controlled gates. Local residents are forced to construct this project using wood pillars, bamboo, iron nails, gathered with their own time, money and resources.

Villagers from rubber and betel nuts plantations, paddy fields and fisheries who often cannot afford to pay their way out of the work due to their already hand to mouth subsistence income, have little choice in following orders given. Forced portering and labour undermines villagers’ ability to survive by not only forcing them to work without compensation, using their own resources to feed them, but more significantly taking them away from their own work that normally provides for their own livelihoods. Villagers who refuse or are unable to filly these duties are punished severely, ranging from heavy fines, and instance that the work is filled, to heavy fines and arrest, or torture. Nan Myint Wai, a resident of Wae Kha-mee village, Southern Thanbyuzayat Township expressed her opinion regarding on the current ongoing human rights violations in her areas.

 “If I have to tell, there is at least one abuse case committed by Burmese troops to villagers residing in this village track since the new government was installed. The abuses committed in this area are forced labor, porter, land confiscation, extortion; go for sentry duties, fee for security forces, and sentry for gas pipeline; serving unpaid work at the battalions’ bases, beaten-up, and accusation as rebels. Sometimes, villagers from our village faced those abuses while sometimes our neighbors did as well as we ourselves encountered those abuses. It happens like that. ….. They just become civil militia. Local authorities are just changed. What I want to say is that there are still injustices and oppressions going on in this area. I see nothing changes. I can say that the government troops are still practicing those kinds of abuses and the abuses are ongoing,” recited by Nan Myint Wai.

Nan Myint Wai (not a real name),38, a former middle-school teacher, Ye Township, Mon State.

Most of the local villagers expressed that they wanted to see the genuine peace in the country and stop civil war targeted to ethnic armed groups. Many of them have been suffering from the armed conflicts painfully.

“There will be real changes in our area, if both armed groups established peaces and there are no more Burmese troops in the region. We only consider the changes if there are no oppressions committed by the government troops like what they have done to us before. If that change really happens, there will be no such difficulties/sufferings in this region,” said by Saw Aung Tin (not real name), 39.

Saw Aung Tin is a Karen villager, and he is from Set-kaw village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State.

Forced to provide the Information of rebel armed groups’ movements to government troops

The local residents from Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships are forced to provide information of rebel armed groups to government troops. Because the residents are said to be given any relevant punishments if they do not inform or report to the troops, they have to abandon their work and find the information to provide.

“Just like this; we have to leave our work behind and we, every villager, have to inform [about rebel groups to government’s troops]. Now, we have to inform more often. It is nonsense: if we think that we still have to report to them when there is no rebel group is around. We have to report them every day, and if we do not do so, we’ll be punished with related punishment types. Because they frighten to us like that, we have to put our work aside and report them,”

“To have access to information about unusual and insurgents’ activities from people”, that is one of the policies used by the government army in Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships. That policy is one of the policies causing abuses to local people and it has been used for a long time. But, just like before – no changing, they still use it even though the new civilian government has installed.

That is the order from the battalions under Military Operation Management Command (MOMC) No. 19. The order requires every household in every village to report in turn daily whether or not the troops from the Karen National Union (KNU) brigade No. 6, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and Nai Khin Maung led Mon splinter group, are being active in the region. Organized by the respective village administration members, the villagers have to provide the information to local based battalion offices prior to 5 PM.  After gathering the information, they have to come to offices and report verbally or provide written report about whether they opposed armed groups travel by, collect extortion fees, buy rations, get medical treatments, and come to visit their relatives.

Ordering the villagers to do this, the government troops can avoid the danger of attacks by opposed armed groups and save their personals.

However, if the villagers are unable to report, the troops will find fault with them and as a punishment, they charge the villagers with money or food supplies. The local residents criticize that the government troops are not active in the local areas during this new (civilian) government administration.

Nevertheless, if we look back on the effects that they face after being forced to work, we can see that villagers have to put aside their work, which they depend on for their survival. Additionally, they have to provide information, by writing reports in Burmese after gathering information obtained while asking others for help with translating. And, they are found fault by the office authorities when they come to report the news verbally [expressed in spoken words]. They have to provide money or food supplies if they cannot report when that’s their turn, not to be blamed, and they have to face the punishment given by rebel armed groups anytime. Those are facts collected from the local residents through interviews.

Local residents expressed that in general, even though we can deduce that the whole country is heading to the path of reform, if we look closely and observe carefully, we can see that the government’s troops are still committing human rights abuses.

HURFOM’s field reporters collected information finding the following facts from early October to late November. Local residents living in several villages located in Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships were forced to provide information. HURFOM conducted 14 interviews from 21 Karen and Mon villages and HURFOM documented their stories and accounts.

“Including our village headman and representative, the village headmen and representatives from 21 other villages located along the highway from Thanbyuzayat to Ye, were invited by tactic Captain Tin Maung Cho and his men to attend the meeting on October 29. The meeting was about how local residents have to report any news – weather they find it significant or not – of rebel armed groups that are active in southern, eastern, and northeastern Ye Township to [the closest] local based [government troops] office. The villagers have to report the news in person. All villagers from the 21 villages, attended the meetings held by their respective heads and representatives, and were told to provide news in turn,” remarked by grandpa Saw Htuu, 62, from Hnin Sone village, Ye Township.

“MOMC No. 19’s tactic No. 2 Captain Tin Maung Cho currently based in LIB No. 343 based close to Ahruu Taung village, Ye Township. Including the village head and members of the Village Administration (VA) from the Hnin Sone village tract, the village heads and VA members from other villages, had a meeting with the Captain his men, and every villager, of which all had to report about rebel armed groups. At the meeting, it was said that it is the responsibility of villagers to report. If the villagers can not report about their enemies to them daily, these villagers have to face punishments. Also, if the information they report is false, they will be punished more,” said by a VA member, who attended the meeting and serves villages that are predominantly Karen in La-mine Sub-township, Ye Township.

“I think, during this new government period, the villagers are forced to work much more than during the last government. Now, whether the villagers got news or not, they have to report. This leads to villagers with a high function in society, such as leaders to lose faith in the system. Before, we typically report unusual news to them. Now, it is not just unusual news, but the villagers have to provide news just like daily reports. It is good for the villagers to report when that’s their turns after observing two days ahead. For us, the village headman has to inform the villagers if that day is their turn, help write the report in Burmese and help them with anything. As I have to do this every day, it affects our livelihood. Now, it has affected us a lot; I do not have time to go work in my orchard,” said by the VA member.

Because three villagers whose failed to report during their turns about one unit from KNLA, when battalion No. 16 came to Bee-kain village to buy food supplies and tools for communication, those villagers were beaten up and demanded to pay fines. This account is given by Nai Yin [pseudonym], 48, a Mon villager, working as orchard worker, from Hnin Sone village, on Nov.22.

“On that day I went to Bee-kain village to sell my oxen, and I heard from the villagers that tree villagers were beaten up by troops from LIB No. 343. I forgot to ask the names of those villagers. I heard that those villagers are 30 – 50 years old and they work in betel nut and rubber plantations. The troops already got news that the Karen armed groups came to buy foods and batteries to use for communication devices. The villagers got hit and beaten up. One of the three villagers, got some of his teeth broken and got his head cracked. That is because the villagers did not provide this news in the report. And, as punishment, they were detained for one night and in the next morning; their families and the Bee-kait village headman came to get them in exchange for 50000 Kyat. That is what I heard from a Bee-kain village family when I went there to sell my oxen. In our village, we also have to report in turn, but no one has faced abuse like this, yet. And, we, the villagers, could not go for work.

According to Kalate Taung village head Saw Tar Sal, MOMC No. 19’s tactic No. 2 Captain Tin Maung Cho himself said at a meeting that if the government troops and KNU’s troops engaged in fighting around the village, the villagers from that village have to move out of the village.

“At a meeting concerned about local security, when I present to him [Capt. Tin Maung Cho] “if the villagers still have to report even though there is no news, it will cause villagers unable to go for work, and please think about that for us.” He replied “Whenever the rebel groups are active in this area, the villagers have to provide the news. And, if there is a fight between the enemy and our troops, you, the villagers, have to move out the village.” I think, that was on October 12. Being a village head, I have to face a lot of trouble. Although the government has been changed, the system of governing our region has not changed. It is just like before. Now, regarding this case, it’s worse,” said by the village head.

According to an interview conducted on Nov. 28, with Saw Kyi Khin, 35, who is a Bin Kalwae villager has reported news three times, thus far. He has reported about KNU troops and other insurgency groups. Reporting to the government, may have exempted him from facing mistreatment inflicted by the government. However, Saw Kyi Khin now fears for his safety, as he is rightfully frightened of insurgency groups.

“I just have to report information as I’m afraid of government troops. No one knows whether insurgency groups forgive us for reporting about them to government troops. Most of the KNU troops know the government troops’ members. They may understand us and why we inform the government. But, the Mon splinter group, led by Nai Khin Maung, will kill us, if he finds out that we have been informing the government. They will probably think that we are the government troops’ informants. That is why I’m afraid. Beside me, there are also lots of villagers who are worried about this and afraid but they have to work [provide the info]. Also, we can not go to our job when we want, we are too scared.”

Below is the list of villages that are located along the highway that links Ye to Thanbyuzayat townships. And, the villagers in those villages are forced to report about the government army’s opposed armed groups.

1. Hnin Sone village
2. Bin Ka-lwon villge
3. Tabin Taing village
4. Kon Duu village
5. Sar Ka-lae village
6. Kalea Dop village
7. Kalea Taung village
8. Bee Kain village
9. Min Hla Aye village
10. Thu Lae village
11. Thee Pow Muu village

Below is the list of villages under Wae Ka-mee village track, Thanbyuzayat Township, where the IB No.62 is based. And, the villagers from those villages have to not only pay the fee of pipeline security but also report daily.

1)     Bay Lamine village

2)     Aung Tha-byay village

3)     Wae Ka-mee village

4)     Wae Taw village

5)     Pain Naetaw village

6)     Inn Ka-bar village

7)     Ywae Tar Aye village

8)     Nga-pyaw Taw village

9)     Lainmaw Chan village

10) Payar Kon village

11) Aung Taryar village.

Seized rubber plantations near Lae Gyi and Maw Gyi villages

The villagers have to pay local based battalions the fees for them to be allowed to work on their own rubber plantations, betel nut plantations, and other long-term crop plantations. Before, there were records of villagers that could work on their plantations for one year as they gave the amount of one year of fees. But, later on, because there were no records made by the battalions and because of their carelessness, the newly-transferred battalions extorted land owners with fees and allowances again for them to work on their lands during their [newly-moved battalions’] periods.

“We have to pay the Captains 10,000 Kyat for permits to work on our rubber plantations. All of us have to pay the fees; for example, to get permit for our 3 sons and 2 hired workers to work on our 8 acres rubber plantation, we have to pay 50,000 Kyat for each person. Before, we had to pay the fee to Commander Htun Tet Naing and his group for a one year permit, and they gave us a permit [letter] to work. But, later, we found out that that permit is not valid for one year. We paid the fee in early May, but we are charged again 7 months later. They shut down that project again. And, now the newly arrived Captain Myit Oo and his group said the permit letter is not valid anymore. If we, as the villagers, want to keep working on our plantations, we have to register for permission again. This happened yesterday morning (November 26) when the order came. How can I repay that fee? Now, we are not allowed to tap our rubber plantations anymore,” mentioned Ko Khin Shwe, 40, who depends on his rubbers and betel nut plantations for survival.

Ko Khin Shwe’s native place is Yebyu Town, but now he lives near Lae Gyi village, and HURFOM field reporter conducted an interview with him on November 27.

The villagers living in Lae Gyi, Maw Gyi, and Min Tar villages and on the island of Kywe Thon Nyi Ma own thousands of acres of rubber trees, betel nuts, and other year long fruits plantations. These villagers are charged large amounts of money by locally based Navy Army No.43 and LIB No. 282 and No. 273 under the command of Kadike based government navy regional command to get permitted to work on their plantations. Yet, besides extorting local land owners with large sums of money for permits to work on their own lands, the Navy has also confiscated numerous acres of lands.

Last June-July, HURFOM released a report about thousands of the acres of rubber plantation owned by local villagers, who heavily depended on the plantations for their livelihoods, were seized by Kadike based Navy No. 43 for expansion of their bases. Also, in addition to land seizure, the navy marked other over 3000 acres of rubber trees and betel nut plantations, belonging to locals. These navy and army troops charged 10,000 Kyat per plantation owner, while they demanded the whole family of plantation to pay 30,000 Kyat for the permission of working on their own plantations.

“To get a permit to work, we the whole family has to pay 30,000 Kyat. Recording 4 persons are able to work; they give that permit [letter]. We have to pay them for us to tap our own rubber trees. We are all here though that they recorded the lists of and accounts of the land owners and kept them away as they produced permits. Now, as the Captain and Commander that produced the permits moved away, the permits are not valid anymore (since November).  As we have to register for the permit again, it costs us again. Before, we owned over 30 acres of rubber plantation. But, earlier of this year, the navy took over 12 acres of the plantation. Yet, of the remaining 18 acres, we only have rubber trees left in 12 acres. And we are working on those remaining acres by paying allowances [taxes]. How can we pay the allowances to them over and over again? We are now in difficulties. Now, the government has changed but here in our village, no one comes to change anything and the situation is worse than before. As we could hardly save for our survival, and we have to pay the government, it is just that if we cannot pay, we cannot work,” recounted by Ko Htun Naing (not real name), 44, from Min Thar village, Yebyu Township.

Ko Nyan Phay who has to pay  to work on his own plantation describes how locally owned rubber plantations were seized, and how he and other plantations owners have to pay for permission of working on their rubber plantations, explains their situation as follows:

“To tap our own rubber plants and to work on our own plantation, we – the villagers had to pay money to the government army units.  If you don’t believe this, please come and stay here for a month.  People from other regions can’t imagine as they have never encountered it.  We became slaves of the army a long time ago.  We know via the news and radios that the military government has already transited to a civilian government, but I would like to mention that nothing has changed here.  This is because my land and plantation in this region, which were plots of land handed down by my family from one generation to the next, were confiscated by the local army units No. 282 and No. 273 and the Navy Unit No. 43 based on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island.  Before confiscation, they said the land would be used for constructing military bases and the State needed the land.  Now, the State does not use the land, but the captains and majors from the army units occupy our land,” said Ko Nyan Phay.

“Between ten and thirty-thousand Kyat had to be paid to get permits to work on our own plantations that are controlled by the Burmese Army.  Last July, my wife and I had already paid twenty-thousand Kyat. This November, they (Kywe Thone Nyi Ma based Navy Unit No. 43) demanded money again.  Now they said that if we are unable to pay (the money), our permit can’t be extended and our plantation will automatically be confiscated.  Therefore, we had to loan two thousand kyat for the payment.  This process means that our land is already confiscated and only a work permit was sold to us.  You can imagine how our situation is miserable.  Our Lae-Gyi Village has over 380 houses and almost every household works for the rubber or betel nut business.  If two people per household work on these plantations, you can estimate how much money the army units earn,” he continued.

Ko Nyan Phay is a 46-year-old Lae-Gyi village resident, and his family depends on rubber plantation for survival.  In the early May, Ko Nyan Phay’s 4-acre betel nut plantation and 8-acre-plus rubber plantation were put on the list of land confiscation by the locally based joint army units of Coastal Regional Command – Navy Unit No. 43, LIB No. 282 and 273 for expending the military.  After that, the villagers, including Ko Nyan Phay, who had their rubber plantations confiscated, have been paying the money to the army to gain the work permit.  The work permit is just a small piece of paper and includes the official stamp of the particular army unit in charge of a designated area.  Ko Nyan Phay and all other villagers said that the mark could clearly not show the annual fee or the monthly fee arranging to be able to demand as they like.

Having to pay many kinds of extortions, such as fees for village security, army rations, local militia member welfare, and permits for working on the plantations for many years in the periods led by this and the former government, many villagers have faced financial difficulties and had no chances to sustain themselves. Therefore, those villagers want to bring an end to those extortions

“We, ordinary villagers, have no money to feed ourselves.  We have to earn money to pay Burmese Army troops.  We have been paying large amounts of money for village security fees, rations fees, local militia welfare fees and permission fees to go to plantations for a specified number year. We still have to pay now, during the rule of the new government.  We want to stop these events.  That’s all we wish,” cited by Nai Htaw Ong (not real name).

As mentioned by Nai Htaw Ong, a Mon villager of over 60 years old. He is a Han-Gam resident, but he now lives in the South part of Moe-Gyi Village. In an interview with HURFOM, November, 28, he explained how he has financially been extorted in many ways by the local government army units.

On November 3, 2011, in order to construct military barracks and offices in the confiscated land on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island, Yebyu Township, money or wood from the villagers of Kywe Thone Nyi Ma and six other surrounding villages were demanded.  Colonel Ye Linn Tun of Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island based Navy Unit No. 43 and Deputy Commander Minn Zaw Moe ordered, via particular village administrators, the villagers of over 1,000 houses from six villages – Lae-Gyi, Moe Gyi, Min Thar, Kywe Thone Nyi Ma, Ye Ngan Gyi and Sinswe, to purchase woods and construction materials or to pay the money if they could not do the purchasing.  Therefore, the collection of extorted money has started on November 11, 2010 and has not ended yet, according to the locals.  The demand of woods had happened at the same time as the human rights violations such as collecting money for work permits and village security fees.

“It was ordered that each household had to pay a long or a plant of wood or three wood poles.  The order was accepted in the early of November.  The village headman reminded (the villagers) on the 9^th (of the November) if they had already collected the wood demanded by the Burmese Army.  When the wood was collected, they would be sent (to the army units) via the village headmen.  We had to give a piece of wood, with a 4-inch diameter and a length of 13-feet, which we reserved to repair our house. Additionally three 4×3-inch wood poles which were stored under our house had to be given to the army.

All these pieces of wood together will cost about thirty thousands kyat.  Moreover, the regular fees we have to pay are thirty-thousand Kayt for our work-permits, for four persons, which were initially ten thousand kyat per head.  However, the fee was lowered by the army unit,so four people had to pay thirty thousand kyat instead. We also had to pay a three thousand kyat fee to hire a village security guard who will replace me when my term is over, and we have to pay one thousand kyat per month for the welfare of local militia.  Captain Min Zaw Moe ordered the village headman to list the households who didn’t pay the fees.  Recognizing the speech of that captain, I paid the fee early ‘to make my ear peaceful’ (a Mon saying that means ‘to be freed from having problems’). My family could make our livelihood and live comfortably in the past, before Navy Unit No. 43 confiscated over half of our plantation at the beginning of this year.  Moreover, we have to pay the money to get permission to work on the rest of the 10-acre rubber plantation, as a result we have become the poor now,” said Nai Htun Aye (not real name), a 50-year-old resident of East Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Villlage.

In the interview with HURFOM at the end of November, Nai Htun Aye explained how he lived in fear, yet solved the problem where he was forced to supply wood for construction of military barracks and offices of the government Navy unit.

Villagers, from Kywe Thone Nyi Ma and its surrounding villages – Min Thar, Lae-Gyi, Moe Gyi, Ye-Ngan Gyi and Sin-swe villages, are disappointed and dissatisfied with the wood demand unfairly required by the navy.

Most of the available wood in that region is of rubber trees; however the government army units do not accept this sort of wood. Even though the quality of this type of wood is low, it can be used for construction, stated in the written order of the Navy read by the village administrators, according to Ma Htay Win (not real name), a 32-year-old Min Thar resident and a shopkeeper.

“Only rubber wood is available for us and people in our village.  Other types of wood we are not allowed to cut down, nor are they available here.  All people have to struggle for their livelihoods so the people from rich households just paid extortion fees.  Our aunt had paid twenty eight thousand kyat in cash for a wooden pole, wooden planks, or three long wood poles to village headman Nai Aye and he signed to confirm the payment.  We were unable to pay in cash as we had other such fees to pay to ensure our security, to allow us to work, and to pay towards welfare of militia.  We struggle to feed our family so we were disappointed by this order.  We have been abused many times.  We want these abuses to stop quickly.  I don’t know when these abuses will disappear from our region.”

In February 2011, Ko Lwin, the husband of Ma Htay Win, who is a Tavoyan and resident of Long-Lone Township, was beaten by Sergeant Zaw Htet Lwin and his group of frontline soldiers of military column No. 282, who accused that he was an informer who connected with the rebels.  His mandible was cracked and he could not eat foods for months.  He lost his watch during the event and fifty thousand kyat had to be spent for his escape.  Ma Than Than Htay explained the abuses of the local army units.

The pile of wood collected by the villagers from 220 houses in Min Thar Village in order to please the demands of Navy Unit No. 43 could be seen nearby the village administrative office. The pile of wood consisted of various sizes and shapes of wood and the locals estimated that it weighed about 20 tons.

“In reality, all demands to construct things for the military were said to be for the State, in particular for its captains and commanders.  In the proposal, the map of the land where military constructions were built are signed by officials of the Land Survey Department.  In the army, the cost of the sketch and small samples (of the construction) drafted by military engineers’ unit was also proposed.  Therefore, the wood or money collected from civilians would go into the pockets of the officials and commanders when the proposed budget was granted.  The army has abused us villagers with the powerful ranks in society, just because they wanted to get loads of money while not working for it.  I had encountered a similar event at an army unit in my hometown– Yebyu-Kanbauk-based LIB No. 273.  In any army unit, chief commanders, commanders, and officials who have much power are really frightening.  That’s my own experience,” explained a former soldier who ran away from a frontline battle of the SPDC government army unit No. 273 and now lives in a refugee camp on the Thai-Burma border.

Because wood is scarce in the region and newly-cut wet woods were not accepted, most households planned to pay cash instead of wood to still meet the demand of wood requested by militia.  Interviews with these households were collected in the late November, 2011.  “There is always a fine to be paid and fees to pay at any given time, and this is very expensive”, grumbled Daw Nyo, a 57-year-old widow and mother of five, who resides in Lae-Gyi Village.  Even on November 27 when her interview was taken, she had to pay thirty thousand kyat to the village administration team for the fee of a wooden log, a plank, or three wood poles demanded by the government Navy Unit No. 43.

Nai Shwe Hla (not real name), a 50-year-old Min Thar resident, who owns a passenger boat mentioned that his boat might be seized if he will not carry wood piles in his village even though he had already paid a fee to pay off his debt.

“During the period of forced labor demanded by the Own-pin-kwin-based Danyawaddy Navy Command, my boat was seized to transport villagers and laborers.  The military said they would just take my boat for three days but it lasted for two weeks.  I had to use my labor and my own petrol but gained nothing.  Now, I can imagine that my boat might be seized for transportation (of this wood) and both I and my boat have to struggle with those giant blocks of wood.”

It is obvious that the residents from the three townships of Yebyu, Ye, and Thanbyuzayat are still facing human rights abuses in their daily life. These human rights abuses include, but are not limited to; extortion/arbitrary taxation, forced labor, ill-treatment, sentry duty, and fees to provide village security. These abuses are common in those three townships, and are committed by the local based government’s battalions and navy.

The findings in this report reveal that the locals are forced to continue to provide the security fees of the gas pipeline, guarding duties for the security of gas pipeline and act as safeguards for village security. Additionally these villagers are victims of forced labor and extortion/arbitrary taxation by the government’s troops and navy forces. Their actions have led to extreme hardships for the villagers, who are unable to work or not permitted to work on their own lands without if they do not have work permits, and continue to struggle for their livelihoods. Additionally, as they are also demanded to present/report to the local based government offices with information about the movements of ethnic insurgency groups, they are worried that they will face the dangerous situations or death caused from knowing the position of these groups.

In the interviews conducted with the local residents, it shows that the villagers face human rights abuses more frequently by the government’s troops under the administration of this new government than by government troops during the last government’s term. Also, in spite of the exclaim of signs of change taking place in the Burma, local residents experience no such change in their regions yet, except a change of names of locally operated government offices.

In addition, the National Human Rights Commission is established in the country with a task of promoting and safeguarding fundamental rights of the country’s citizens. Despite of its proclaim, in reality, it fails to accomplish the competence and responsibilities which include stopping human rights violations, investigating and monitoring them and taking action for the prevention and lessen the violations.

It is clear that despite the transition to new supposedly civilian-led government and the formation of National Human Rights Commission, the human rights abuses continue to occur throughout those three townships. Consequently, the villagers can only expect more of the same sufferings, hardships, and human rights abuses.

1. We want UN Special Rapporteurs to reach into ethnic areas, to investigate past human rights violations and notice how the human rights continue to be systematically violated.
2. Burma (Myanmar) National Human Rights Commission must actively record cases of human rights violations from its citizens and protect its victims.  All human rights victims must be protected after they report their cases.
3. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) must train local people how to correctly and systematically administer cases of human rights violations.

This report is titled “Coercion, Cruelty and Collateral Damage: An assessment of grave violations of children’s rights in conflict zones of southern Burma”, and it is released by the Woman and Child Rights Project (WCRP), which was founded in 2000 by members of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) to monitor and protect the rights of women and children in southern Burma. The 24-page report reveals that grave violations of children’s rights such as recruitment of child soldiers, killing and maiming, rape and sexual abuse, and forced labor continue to be committed by the Burmese military, despite the creation, by the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) resolution 1612 on Children and Armed Conflict passed in 2005.Download report as PDF [2.1MB]

Research by the Women and Child Rights Project (WCRP) has demonstrated that grave violations of children’s rights continue to occur in southern Burma despite the creation, by the United Nations, of the Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (MRM) pursuant to United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1612 on Children and Armed Conflict passed in 2005.

The Burmese government has failed to meet the time-bound action plan under Resolution 1612, demonstrated by the fact that WCRP researchers found numerous accounts of ‘grave violations’ under United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1612 on children and armed conflict. These violations, committed by Burmese soldiers against children in southern Burma, include recruitment of child soldiers, killing and maiming, rape and sexual abuse, and forced labor. Though the Burmese government agreed to the implementation of a monitoring and reporting mechanism (MRM), pursuant to Resolution 1612, to report on instances of these grave violations, WCRP has found that abuses have continued unabated since 2005.

The data detailed below provide evidence of widespread and systematic abuses, the vast majority of which were committed by soldiers from the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military. These confirmed cases of grave violations, taken from just 15 villages in two townships, committed over a period of 5 years, suggest that the Burmese government has failed to live up to its obligations under international law to protect children during situations of armed conflict. Limitations imposed by the Burmese government on the UN country team has made it difficult for them to receive, or verify, accounts of grave violations, in turn preventing the MRM from making a noticeable impact on the continued widespread abuse of children in southern Burma. WCRP’s data strongly suggests that the real numbers of abuses against children is vastly greater than officially recognized.

Additionally, despite the fact that WCRP’s primary research covered only the period from 2005 through November 2010, recent updated reports suggest that all of the violations documented by WCRP have continued to occur over the course of the past year. Despite the political changes that may be underway in Naypyidaw, children in areas where armed conflict is ongoing continue to suffer grave violations. Thus, the international community must take further action to ensure that the MRM can effectively protect the rights of Burma’s children and realize the objective put forth in Resolution 1612, an end to the grave violations of children’s rights.

On 25th, September, 2011, four villagers were kidnapped by an unknown Mon rebel group and taken to Lort Taing village, where soldiers from columns No. 1 and 2 of the government LIB No.282 attacked in a surprise ambush. As a result of the sudden attack, two of the kidnapped villagers were killed, and one rebel and another villager were seriously wounded.

Lort Taing village is located near Kyauk Ka Din, Kyauk Ta Lin, and Alae Sakhan villages, in Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division; and each village has over 300 households. The majority of villagers from those villages are dependent on the income gained from producing betel nut and rubber, along with crop cultivation. Others work in Thailand or as local merchants, trading cattle. Those villages are under largely within the zones of control of the LIB No.282 and LIB No.273, though there is frequent interference from insurgent groups as well.

According to locals who were interviewed for this story, three or four villagers were abducted by three unknown Mon rebels and taken behind the primary school of Lort Taing, in Lort Taing village, Yebyu Township. There, gunfire erupted without warning from columns No. 1 and No. 2 of LIB No.282, who were notified by local informants that the kidnapped villagers were being held at the back of the primary school by unidentified Mon rebels. The attack resulted in two villagers killed; one was killed immediately, while the other died on a truck carrying him to his home. Another surviving villager was seriously wounded and one of the Mon rebels was wounded. The two unwounded rebels were able to escape, while the injured kidnapper was arrested by the troops. At least one remaining kidnapped villager survived unscathed.

On Sept.26, 2011, Daw Mya Cho (not real name), an owner of a small shop in Kyauk Ka Din village, gave this account of the events:

Yesterday around 7 PM four villagers were taken away by three unnamed Mon rebels and kept at the back of a primary school in Lort Taing village. Of the four villagers, two villagers were Nai Kyaw Wai [not real name], 65, and his son Nai Oung Rot [not real name] from Han Gan village, Ye Township. And another one was a resident of Kyauk Ka Tin village, while the last one was from Lort Taing village. Nai Kyaw Wai and his son Nai Oung Rot, as well as the Kyauk Ka Tin resident, have their own betel nut and rubber plantations in the west of Lort Taing village, and they were in their plantations when they were taken away.

Because they found out from their informants, the Burmese troops from LIB No.282 headed straight to the place where the rebel group and four villagers were hiding and they fired right away when they saw them. So, right on the site, a villager, who is Karen and unmarried, from Lort Taing village, was shot and killed. And, two other villagers, one from Han Gan village and another one from our village, as well as a rebel, were wounded. But, Nai Oung Rot and other two rebels did not get shot or wounded, and the two other rebels fled the scene. The wounded rebel was caught by the LIB No.282’s troops.

A villager from Kyauk Talin reported on the fate of the other two wounded villagers;

After getting wounded, Nai Kyaw Wai was taken on a truck headed to his village. But, when they arrived at the entrance village of Kalaw, he died. And, another kidnapped villager, the Kyauk Ka Din villager, was wounded and taken to Ye hospital.

Because of this incident, many local residents are worried that they will be prohibited from traveling to their farms and betel and rubber plantations outside the villages soon. This is because the local residents usually face harsh 24-hour restrictions on travel outside of their villages. These orders come from the government battalions’ commanders, citing the presence of insurgent groups in the area.

A villager from Kyauk Ka Din explained the travel restrictions were a common occurrence when rebel groups were operating in the area:

Now, we are very worried that we’ll not be allowed to go to our farms and plantations to work. This is because we have been forbidden from traveling outside of our villages to our farm and plantations many times before. It’s the order from the Burmese soldiers not to go outside the villages. This happens when there is a group of rebels gathering outside the village and Burmese troops get information that the rebel groups are gathering in plantations – or after they the rebels have passed by the villages or do like this [kidnap locals].

In shock over the incident and regretful for the deaths, a Kyauk Ka Din villager added that it was wrong to inform the government soldiers of the kidnapping by the rebels:

The informants should have not reported about this to LIB No.282 because, as we heard, the bad people [rebels] did not get killed but the good people [innocent villagers] were killed. And it should not be like this. Also, this occurrence may cause us to be prevented from traveling to our farms and plantations. And maybe we’ll be too afraid to travel, as well.

It’s quite clear that these villagers’ troubles stem not just from the government troops, but from rebel groups as well. And due the constant state of conflict, the fighting puts enormous hardship on farmers who cannot travel to their fields and plantations. Cultivators in this region depend on their crops and produce for their livelihoods, which will disappear as their crops over ripen or die.

Due to the presence of various Mon, Karen, and Tavoy insurgent groups, the Burmese Army has designated Lort Taing village, along with many other villages under the administration of northern Yebyu Township and southern Ye Township, as a free fire zone – otherwise known as a “black area”. As a result, the outbreaks of violence between the government’s troops and insurgent forces take place frequently in the region, and several human rights abuses have been reported in the ongoing conflict.

Living with her parents Nai– and Mi- in the fisherman village Pai Karain Khawzar, the girl is a 5^th grade student attending Middle School located in the nearby Karainkanga village. The walk from the girl´s home village to the school is 1,5 miles long, taking about 20 minutes each way.

At 4: 30 pm on October 21st, the girl began her daily walk back from school. On the way, she had to pass a Coconut garden often used as a resting area for soldiers. Our sources has informed us that the ambush probably found place somewhere between this resting area and the girl´s home village; Captain Way Lin Phyo following her from this point. The Captain grabbed the girl by her arm after pulling her by her shirt. As a result, the girl immediately shouted for help. Her brother heard the scream, and came to her rescue.

This is not the first time Captain Way Lin Phyo is violating the rights of citizens living in Khawzar Township. Last year, he was reported stealing gold in the Ham Gam village.

Latest news: On October 24^th, the IB No. 31 ordered the girl to come to the Battalion for her to sign a paper stating this incident never occurred.

Source: Field reporter under collaboration of Mon Affair Union reporting to WCRP.

Rice is the staple food of Burma and an essential part of Mon agriculture. It is what feeds the majority of people in Lower Burma and is one of Mon State’s primary exports. But this year rice is in short supply due to a treacherous trinity of problems that have attacked Mon farmers from all sides.

First, unusually heavy and continuous rains since late May have inundated fields and by the end of August, many fields are still flooded. Some farmers, such as Nai Both in Sein Taung Ward, Ka-mar-wet village, estimate they have lost over half of their rice crop to flooding. In past years, farmers could re-cultivate their paddies after a flood. But as this year’s flooding has persisted unusually long, some farmers say there is neither time nor enough resources to re-cultivate. Making matters worse, a state-owned dam, the Win Pa-noon dam, is at full capacity. Needing repairs and on the verge of collapse, officials have opened the sluice gates, releasing water into farmers’ fields. Farmers say the dam is the biggest obstacle in reducing the water levels.Download report as PDF [2.8MB]

Second, an invasion of snails has complicated efforts to maintain remaining rice plants and hampered those trying to re-cultivate. A zoologist who spoke with HURFOM said these snails, known as golden apple snails, are part of a species that is new to the region. They feed on the rice plants and lay thousands of eggs. Due to their rapid rate of reproduction, they can quickly overtake a rice field.

Third, farm rats have taken shelter in the fields that were least damaged by floods. In doing so, they built underground nests from which an increasing number of rats emerge to eat the panicles.

Farmers, former officials, and experts, have predicted that this year’s production of rice will not meet the needs of Mon State. Meanwhile, the government has yet to officially acknowledge there is even a problem. Some of the interviewees in this report opined that the government is not in the business of telling the truth, and officials have habitually reported false numbers to higher-ups in a chain of continuing false information.  At the local level, for their part, authorities have forced beleaguered farmers to pay taxes for repairs to the Win Pa-noon dam and work in projects having similar characteristics as Loh Ah-Pay. But ill-equipped and under-supported, the farmers struggle to remove and kill all the snails and rats. In some cases, farmers have been forced to re-cultivate certain paddies owned by the government at their own expense.

Methodology

This report concerns the villagers in Mon State, where most of the inhabitants are Mon with some Karen. It is a collection of survey research over three distinct problems –flooding, snails, and rats – that have adversely affect farmers. It draws from interviews of 46 people, ranging from farmers, former civil servants, businessmen, and academics.

This report draws from 50 farmers, 2 experts on agriculture and irrigation, and 4 former civil servants from the Ministry of Agriculture & Irrigation.

All interviews were conducted in August and September of 2011.

A background of paddy rice cultivation and current problems

In Mon State, there are, in total, 1,352,946 acres of rainy-season paddy rice, comprised in two districts, Moulmein District – which has 461,473 acres – and Thaton District – which has 430,000. However, due to limited resources and labor, only roughly 800,000 acres are cultivated.  Usually, the rice produced in Mon State is distributed to all parts of Lower Burma, including Karen State, and Tenissarim Division.

According to Mi Yow Palar Agricultural Service, farmers in Mon State invest equally in paddy rice cultivation as they do in rubber cultivation, which is also one of the main exports.

Though natural disasters – such as flooding, pests, and other destructive phenomena – are nothing new, this year the problems are more acute. Also, there is another unusual occurrence, which the farmers have not encountered before: this year snails are thriving among the paddy fields and damaging crops. The concurrence of severe flooding and destructive snails is developing into a serious problem for farmers.

In the past, with proper investment, it was still possible to successfully re-cultivate over inundated farmland after the waters receded. However, this year, as the paddy fields are still flooded at the end of August, for local farmers, there is no such chance to re-grow the paddy seedlings and to re-cultivate the paddy.

Interviews with local farmers from Mon and Karen states in September makes known that they feel the missing response from government authorities is a form of abuse. Local farmers are very frustrated with the lack of support, education (agricultural and technical), and overall responsibility for protecting them that had been promised by their leaders while campaigning for the nationwide elections.

Farmers Struggle to Stay Afloat Amid Severe Flooding in Lower Burma

“It is as if we are thirsty while riding a raft; it seems like we farmers will go hungry,” lamented a farmer from Chaung Zone Township. This despondent mood is rife among the farmers of Mon State, which is one of the largest rice producers in Burma. It has been called the “rice basket of Lower Burma” owing to its seasonal weather, the large number of acres devoted to farmland, and the concentration on paddy rice as one of the primary exports. Like the highly productive rubber trees grown throughout the region, rice is another important crop for the Mon people – such that it is considered ‘white gold’. As an essential part of the traditional Mon agriculture and livelihood, rice is cultivated annually.

However, due to natural occurrences, such as unusually high levels of rainfall, sometimes farmland becomes over inundated with water. This September report shows that due to flooding from unusually high sea water, pests and other destructive insects, thousands of acres of cultivated paddy lands have been damaged. There was not enough time, money, and labor for the majority of farmers to re-arrange their paddy fields, to re-cultivate the paddies or prevent them from getting damaged.

Local farmers are frustrated over the absence of support from the new state government in handling the effects of this natural disaster. Besides the lack of financial and technical support, and other helpful resources, some farmers face human rights abuses that are threatening their daily survival.

This report draws from 50 interviews with local farmers across 4 townships, local government servants, and educated people in the region. It discusses how a plot of paddy field is cultivated during the rainy season and how much investment is required during the cultivation phase to the harvest. It goes on to report on how the local government continues to levy taxes on farmers even if the farm has been damaged by natural disasters, and how the government has failed to take responsibility for helping the farmers. Finally, the report also reveals how the farmers have to face undue hardships amid natural disasters, such as extortion by township-based battalions and village administrations authorities. It reveals a picture of unwavering continuation of abuse by those with power, unchanged from the previous government.

No chance to re-cultivate the paddies in time

The concerned farmers expressed extreme worries of a food shortage and the fear they will go hungry this upcoming year. In Mudon Township, which produces the largest amount of wet season rice in Mon State, local farmers are frustrated that the heavy rain, which had began in June, hasn’t allowed water levels in the paddies to subside until the third week of August. Even with adequate resources to replant crops, there is not enough time. As a result, the local farmers cannot re-cultivate the paddies this year like in the past. Residents are very troubled with the prospect that there will be inadequate rice, leading them to go hungry.

The local farmers warn that the flood waters will not flow out of the fields, but instead become stagnant. This is in variance with the Government Agricultural Service, which asserts that this year’s flooding is no different from previous years. The primary source of flood water is the overflow from the state-owned Win Pa-noon dam. This is due to problems with the channels for water running through the dam. Not only do they need repair, they are also too narrow and not high enough for water to flow out. This results in a greatly diminished flow. Consequently, excess water runs off into paddy fields, causing flooding.

Nai Htun Win, an Abhit local farmer who owns twelve acres of farmland, said that because his farm was flooded, his family struggles to survive:

Flooding takes place every year. And in times past, we could re-plant the seedlings and re-cultivate the paddies after flooding. But this year, even for just the amount of rice for us to eat alone, we don’t have enough time to re-grow. The water level isn’t falling, and we wouldn’t have enough time to grow even if it did. It’s like this mainly because of the dam. The dam’s channels are getting shallow; and the government’s Agricultural and Irrigation Service is worried that the dam will collapse. So they opened the sluice gates, releasing a lot of water to flow out into the paddy fields. This is their responsibility – the Agricultural and Irrigation Service. And we are very frustrated with them because they do not even come to ask us, much less provide any help. For my family, we will definitely have to depend on rice bought from the market this year. As for income to support my family, I’ll try to find whatever jobs I can get.

According to Nai Htun Win, it costs over 100,000 kyat for an acre of paddy rice to be grown, as it requires buying and broadcasting paddy seeds, pulling out and replanting the seedlings, and spraying fertilizers and pesticides. He added that this year, the majority of local farmers in Mudon received an uncommonly high level of rain, which flooded their paddy fields. But that problem has been magnified by the excess floodwater flowing out of the Win Pa-noon Dam. As a result, the converging floodwaters have remained in the fields for a lengthy period, destroying all paddy rice.

The manger of the Village-level Agricultural Service in Ka-low Taw village, Mudon Township, Mon State, gave the following details on the extent of paddy damage in his area:

According to our records, this year in Mudon Township, 50,000 acres of a total 80,000 acres are flooded. And of the entire inundated area, 30,000 acres of paddy rice are expected to be damaged. If there is any possibility of recovering some paddy rice, it will only be a few acres. But, the recovered amount is still not going to meet the amount we need for a year’s production; it’ll definitely be a sizable decrease from last year.

Burma’s minister of Agriculture, U Myint Hlaing, has stated publically that a total of 880,000 acres of farmland has been cultivated in Mon State by the end of August. However, this statement does not disclose how many acres of paddy fields were damaged by pests and floods. When HURFOM contacted the State-level Myanmar Agricultural Service in September, asking how many acres of paddy rice fields were destroyed by flooding, they replied that they’re still making collection of it.

The majority of local farmers from villages under Mudon Township Administration believed the main cause of the flooding in the region is the effect of the government-owned Win Pa-non dam. These farmers were interviewed in the following villages in August and September: Kwan Hlar, Abhit, Yawng Daung, Hnin Padaw, Kwan Ka-been, Kalaw Tow, Bat-do, Kaw Pee-htaw, Ka-marwat, Sein-taung, Sat-dwae, Do-mar.

Nai Sein, a 60 year-old farmer from Kwan Ka-been village, somberly describes his situation:

They do not come to ask us anything. The government servants have never come to help us when we are in trouble like this. But, at other times, they still come to collect the fees for fixing the channels of the Win Pa-non dam while continuing to release water from it. Now, even though we actually want to see their faces, they don’t show up. For us, we cannot re-cultivate the paddy this year. We do not have money to re-grow either. We will just live like this. If we go hungry, we will face it. Nothing can help.

Paddy Rice Damaged by Snails and Farm Rats

Throughout Mon State, a large number of acres of farms have been destroyed by inundation and snails and farm rats. Farmers from Chaung Zone Township estimated the number of paddy fields damaged by snails to be in the thousands. These snails, known as golden apple snails, feed on paddy seedlings, mature seedlings, and leaves, leaving only the stubbles. Snails have doubled the complications faced by farmers already beset with problems from severe flooding. Farmers that were interviewed faced enormous difficulties with re-cultivating their paddies owing to the lack of seedlings, the chance of more flooding, and the inadequate resources and time required.

Nai Nyut Thee, 56, a farmer from Kaw Mu-bon village, told HURFOM on August 18th that because of the flooding and pestilent snails, more than half of his eight-acre farm has been damaged and it is not possible for him to re-cultivate paddy seedlings:

I have cultivated paddy for over 20 years… Now this year, I’ve faced my farm getting flooded and damaged by snails. At the end of June, 8 acres of paddy fields were finished cultivated but now no more than 4 acres are left without getting damaged. About 3 acres of paddy fields have been eaten by the snails within one month. And, one acre was destroyed by the flooding. In total, I have lost 4 acres of my paddy fields, and the loss values about 500,000 kyat. Now, there is no possibility to re-grow. This is because I do not have enough time to re-do everything and the snails are still spreading throughout every field… Even if I had time to re-grow, I do not think I would have enough money to invest in growing the paddy again. So, this year, I just hope to get back our investment from the remaining 4 acres of paddy. The government never comes to give us any technical education and not even any help in dealing with pests or other problems. So, here, I just want to say that I do not think I can pay any taxes – collected with no specific reasons – and other fees for village development like I could in the past. I just cannot afford it anymore. This year, for us, we hardly have enough rice to survive.

The majority of farmers interviewed decided not to re-cultivate the paddy because, based on their experiences, they predict there would be more losses. They say there is not enough time to grow another crop since rainy season will end soon. As a result, the paddies would not grow, blossom, and ripen.

Owing to the government’s lack of transparency in these matters, the number of acres of paddy rice that have been destroyed is not known to the public. Local residents in Chaung Zone are further upset because aside not helping with the farmers’ plight, in the newspapers the government only acknowledges that paddy fields have been flooded – there is no mention of the many acres of farmland that has been damaged by the snails and rats. Farmers feel ignored and left to fend for themselves.

Local Farmers Forced to Pick up Snails

Most of the paddies in Chaung Zone and Moulmein townships have been damaged by golden apple snails. Local farmers have desperately hoped to get some support from the state government, such as aid from the Agriculture and Irrigation Service or assistance with growing the paddy rice again. However, these farmers report that instead of helping them, the government has set up a project to clean up and remove pests from the paddies using the farmers as forced labor.

According to U Kyaw Nyut, 48, a villager from Tha-yal village, during the entire month of August, local farmers were organized to pick up the snails in every paddy field under supervision of the Township-level Agriculture Services manager and its staff:

While already upset with the damages caused by snails in my paddy fields alone, I was ordered to pick up the snails in every farm. The staff from Agricultural Service ordered us to pick up snails and put them gunny bags or sacks. Like going for Loh Ah Pay, we had to go for snail-removal duty two times. The first time was from August, 18th to the 23rd, and the second was from August 25th to end of the month. We had to pick up in any field, collecting the snails and putting them in sacks. For my farm, I had picked up almost the whole farm already. And, just as we need time to re-cultivate our damaged paddies, we farmers need time to take care of the remaining paddy rice. I think, the responsibility of picking up the snails should be taken by the government Agricultural Service. They should not order us to work like this while we are having troubles.

When HURFOM contacted the manager of Chaung Zone Township Agriculture Service, asking why it needed to use labor of local famers to pick up the snails, the manager said that if the locals did not help pick up the snails, the snails would spread out further. Therefore, they did not wait for an order from the state government before organizing the local farmers to pick up snails as doing Loh Ah Pay. In Chaung Zone Township, of 65,760 total acres, he estimated that 20 percent of paddy acres have been damaged by the snails. But, he acknowledged, “the State has not disclosed this yet.”.

However, Nai Kyit Aye, a local farmer from Ka-mar Moe village, contends that the government will not disclose the full figure of damaged paddy fields. It is their habit, he says, of never disclosing how many acres of farms really got damaged so as to avoid blame if the amount produced does not meet the amount that they had previously estimated. Nai Soe Thein, a farmer who lost four acres of his nine-acre farm to pests and flooding in Bo-nat village, asserts emphatically that how many acres the government acknowledges has been damaged is beside the real point:

Regardless of the number of damaged paddy fields they make known, for us this year we will definitely face the difficulty of having not enough rice to survive. Even though the township Agricultural Service can lie to the State [on the numbers of damaged paddies], for us, we cannot lie to our stomachs. Like before, now we cannot not depend on paddy rice from our farms to make offerings, support our children going to school, and to provide money for our health care. For us to survive, we just have to depend on the remaining 5 acres of paddy field.

Background of The Golden Apple Snails

According to Ko Htun Htun Oo, a zoologist in Moulmein City, whom HURFOM spoke to in late September, the snails in Chaung Zone are a new species:

This kind of snail is a new species in Burma. We believe that this species has been coming via the Salween River since two years ago. And, now, it has reached Chaung Zone on Pa-luu Island. That’s how we think it happened. This is because I started seeing this species two years ago. Now, it has spread out. They really like eating small plants like paddy rice with soft stubbles and greenish-colored leaves, and they will lay eggs and produce offspring very fast. Because they multiply so quickly, it is devastating for the paddy fields. These snails are vivid red and are as big as chicken eggs. Sometimes, while they are eating the paddy, they lay their eggs, which are of a purplish color. The number of the eggs that they lay at once is thousands to ten thousands. Each one can eat up or damage the paddy for as long as 5-6 months, which is how long they live. So, accordingly, they will eat up the whole farm. That’s what we have studied. The chemicals that can kill them are made in Thailand, such THYOLIS. However,because the government does not seem to help much, the farmers will continue to struggle to eradicate these snails.

Widespread Damage Caused by Rats After the Flooding

Besides the damage caused by flooding and golden apple snails, many paddy fields in Mudon and Thanbyuzayat townships of Mon State were ruined by rats, resulting in even more losses of rice paddy plants.  Because of the flooding, rats made their nests among the rice plants and fed on the early panicles, Consequently, even the rice plants that survived the flood were lost.  Each rat weighs 20 to 25 kyattha (one kyattha = 16.32 grams) and the farmers are ill-equipped to handle the rat problem. The damage from rats was especially severe in the following villages: Ahbit, Kwan ka-been, Hnee-pa-daw, Kwan-hlar, Yawng Daung, Kaw Pee-Htaw, Kalaw Tow, Do-mar, Bat-do, Settwe, Ka-mar-wet, Lat-tat and Kyaik-Yel villages of Mudon Township, Mon State.   From the 22nd of September to the end of the month, the condition of the paddy fields ruined by the rats was documented.  Twenty-seven local farmers said that 42 percent of their cultivated acres were lost because the rats chewed away the paddy rice plants remaining after the flood.

On September 23, Nai Both, 50, who cultivates rainy-season paddy rice and lives in Sein Taung Ward, Ka-mar-wet village, described the problem with rats on his farm:

Unlike the others, just a few of my rice plants were damaged by the flood.  My paddy field is a little bit far from where the flood occurred.  However, the rats fled from the flooded paddy fields and came to make their nests in my farm.  They dug holes among the rice plants and chewed the panicles. And they live in the holes.  There too many rats; I can’t get rid of them all.  About two acres of my seven-acre paddy field were damaged, in total.  Moreover, these remaining rice plants are not well developed because they had to struggle from the flood of early rainy season. And besides low production of rice, some if it was damaged by the rats. So having enough food this year is our biggest concern.  Ka-mar-wet, Sein-taung and Htaung-kay of this region and northern villages of Mudon Township were all impacted by the rats.  Some farmers tried to defeat the rats by destroying their holes, but they weren’t successful.  Now, only the rice plants that weren’t eaten by the rats are left.

Twenty-seven local farmers of Ka-mar-wet and its surroundings, including Nai Both, each reported losing one to three acres of their paddy fields due to rats. This came as a double whammy to farmers as they had already lost over one-half of their paddy fields to flooding. In Thanbyuzayat Township, which borders Mudon Township in Mon State, damage from rats was especially severe in paddy fields that did not get flooded. Rats from flooded areas came and destroyed the surviving rice plants. “The rest of rice plants which was going to serve as food for the coming year was totally ruined,” said a group of distressed Mon farmers. They claimed there was a big loss of wet season paddy in the area between Phaung Sein and Kwan-hlar villages which are close to Mudon Township.

The farmers explained that as soon as the first round of sowing paddy seeds had been done, heavy rain flooded the fields in the third week of May and persisted through September. During this period, one-third of the seedlings were destroyed, and every farmer was affected. In a region where nearly everyone is a farmer, this is devastating. In just Phaung Sein, Kwan-hlar, Kyar-kan and Wae-ka-ruu villages, there are over 5,000 farmers, and up to tens of thousands of acres belong to local farmers.  Owing to losses from the floods, the snails, and the rats, many say they have no mood to continue farming.  They are worried about covering the costs of their investments and haven’t received any support from the government. Disappointment and frustration are rife.

Statistics from the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation of Mon State, which were cited by five staff from the Agricultural Service, confirm that there are over 47,000 acres of rainy-season paddy fields and over 20,000 acres in total were damaged by the flood and the rats.  But, U Myint Hlaing, the minister of Agriculture and Irrigation, announced that up to this August, 880,000 acres of rain season paddy field had already been cultivated; however, the number of paddy fields affected by the floods, snails, and rats had not been announced yet.  Already, interviews with agricultural business persons and experts reveal a consensus that the critically low rate of predicted paddy production will not meet the needs of Mon State.

A retired former district-level administrator from the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation opined that it is unlikely the government will acknowledge the scope of the problem:

An official announcement from the Mon State government stated there are nearly 900,000 acres of paddy fields already cultivated. According to these statistics, 60 million Tin [baskets] of paddy should be produced; however, because of the destruction by the flood, snails, and rats, we’ll be lucky if 20 million Tin is produced.  As usual, the state-level government will dishonestly report to the central government that the production targets were achieved and then supporting statistics and news will be released.  It is usually done this way.  The people who are really affected by this are the farmers who depend on agriculture.  They might suffer from hunger while they are doing this kind of work.  Besides getting no support, they are abused by the government and charged unfair taxes. This year, I think, the farmers have to struggle a lot

Local Farmers Forced to Re-Till Paddy Fields

In addition to excessive flooding, which led to widespread crop losses, farmers were forced by the district-level authorities of Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation to re-cultivate what was classified as ‘ideal’ paddy fields. The ideal paddy fields are those with special paddy species defined by the government, which are situated beside highways, railways, or by the front and back of foot paths.  They are systematically cultivated in a row-by-row orientation. In these paddy fields, local farmers had to supply the labor for various tasks, such as harrowing soil to harvesting crops – all under the instruction of Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation.

The heavy rain in Mon State from early June to the middle of September broke the previous record of rainfall of 200 inches, and left paddy fields in Kyaik-ma-yaw and Paung townships over inundated.  Most of the ideal paddy fields are situated in Ta-ra-nar, Kaw-thet, Kha-rom-pan villages, in Kyai-ma-yaw Township, and Ka-mar-be and A-hlat villages Paung Township – and they are all run under the instruction of the State Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation.  Each township has about 1,000 acres of ideal paddy fields owned by the government and almost all were destroyed at the second week of this September.  In order to re-cultivate most of the ideal paddy fields, the State General Administration Department and State Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation ordered local farmers to re-cultivate the ideal paddy fields, according to documentation obtained by HURFOM. Statistics from the report show that 2,000 acres of government-owned ideal paddy fields were destroyed in Kyaik-ma-yaw and Paug townships, and local farmers were forced to re-cultivate about 1,500 acres of ideal paddy fields. Further, from the third week of August to the second week of September, over 400 farmers from both townships were forced to re-cultivate government-owned paddy fields.

An 80-acre ideal paddy field was re-cultivated by under authority of the township manager of the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation of Paung Township and the township’s governor using the labor of the local farmers. Despite their own hardships the farmers felt they had to participate in forced labor because they had to revive the government’s ideal paddy fields.

Mi Tin Nu (not real name) is a 60-year-old Mon woman and a widow. She works on 15- acre farm with help of her sons in A-hlat village, Paung Township.  Two years ago, about 4 acres of Mi Tin Nu’s 15-acre paddy field was designated as “ideal paddy field” by the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation. After that she could not cultivate the rainy-season rice plants normally and she had to systematically cultivate the rice plants row by row. She also had to excessively protect the rice plants from destructive insects and use an inordinate amount of fertilizer.  This year, because of the flood, most of her paddy fields, including her four-acre ideal paddy field, was destroyed. On August 22nd, the village-level agricultural manager ordered her to re-cultivate her four-acre ideal paddy field, even though she was struggling for money. The ordeal cost her 300,000 kyat and left her physically depleted:

They had alloted their ideal paddy field inside my paddy field and it flooded this year.  There was a big loss.  Even we could do nothing because it was a natural disaster. Then on August 22, the agricultural manager, U Soe Win, and his staff came and ordered me to re-cultivate the 4-acre flooded ideal paddy field.  When I asked what they were going to provide in terms of support, they replied that they would support me with fertilizer sold at the government price and protect against insects.  Like the others, I dared not to oppose the order of the government.  Therefore, as soon as I got the order, I started harrowing soil with my three sons and hired workers.  Their agricultural service staff came and helped in cultivating the rice plants row by row. Anyhow, ideal paddy field or any other (work) shouldn’t be done during this hardship period.  Moreover, it cost me to hire labor and purchase more fertilizer and rice plants. So I’m in debt with about 300,000 kyat.  Other farmers were also ordered to do so because they had ideal paddy fields. But the ideal paddy fields beside highways got more support.

During HURFOM’s field research, most local farmers in Kyaik-ma-yaw Township were found restarting their farming mainly on ideal paddy fields and forecasted the production of rice to be low and late.  Most of them said they had to serve in Loh Ah Pay-like activities because they daren’t make any complaints. According to estimates from 20 local cultivators, about 50,000 acres of a total 115,204 acres of rainy-season paddy field in Kyaik-ma-yaw Township were flooded.  Among these 20, six of them had to participate in re-cultivating ideal paddy fields.  Most of them said they were not satisfied because they had to work in the forced re-cultivation even though they were not listed as having to do so.

Conclusion

It is clear that farmers across Mon state have been overwhelmed by the cruel vicissitudes of nature. Heavy rains have flooded fields, invasive snails have taken over rice paddies, and rats have nibbled away at what was left. But the finding in this report also show that the farmers’ problems have been compounded by the inaction and ill-will of man: the state-owned Win Pa-noon dam is preventing flood waters from receding, authorities are forcing beleaguered farmers to perform laborious snail-removal duties without proper equipment, and government-owned paddies are re-cultivated at local farmers’ expenses.

However, the unduly strains put on farmers by authorities, especially considering the impending food shortage, are nothing new. As reported on previously, locals from Thanbyuzayat and Mudon townships, and southern Moulmein townships, who live and work along the gas pipeline, have paid steadily-increasing security fees for ten years. They also have to maintain, and, at times, protect a gas pipeline that hazards the local environment and from which they receive no benefit.

What is becoming increasingly clear is that despite Burma’s change to an ostensibly civilian-run government in 2010, the parasitic nature of government in relation to its people has yet to change. Officials show up for tax collection; but when villagers have problems, government servants are nowhere around. As such, farmers facing insolvency and a region on the verge of a food shortage have received no support. Meanwhile, public officials have yet to acknowledge the depths of the disaster, as no official tally of damages to farms has been released. In keeping with an Orwellian attitude, perhaps by not recognizing a problem, officials intend to avoid having to take any responsibility.

Yet while it is easy to criticize and conjecture about the failings of government, what must not be lost in the discussion are the tangible consequences of failed leadership. Mon State is expected to have a rice shortfall this year; and as a result, many will face extreme hardship.  The hard truth is that government officials can avoid talking about the scope of the problem, but in the end people will still go hungry.  Put another way: Township-level authorities can lie to the state government, but, in the words of Nai Soe Thein of Bo-nat village, “we cannot lie to our stomachs”.

First, he proposed amnesty laws and tried to release political prisoners.   Due to the past oppression by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)led by Senior Gen. Than Shwe, which held power until the 2010 November elections, there were over 2,200 political prisoners in various prisons with notorious reputations across the country.

However, the current government still did not classify them as “political prisoners”.  And among the recently-released 6,000 prisoners, only 200 were political prisoners.  Although international governments and Amnesty International (AI) welcome such progress, they maintain that the government must release more political prisons if it is sincere about transitioning to democracy.

The government has tried to show its ‘openness’ to the world, and it has since lifted restrictions on internet access to certain websites and even allowed the domestic media to write about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. However, some activists who were charged under the Electronic Laws still languish in prison.  If there is real media openness in the country, those prisoners should be released.

The government also formed the “Myanmar National Human Rights Commission” to show it is serious about respecting the human rights of Burmese citizens.  The newly formed human rights body also announced that any citizen of Burma, who felt their rights had been violated can submit their case(s) to the commission and identify themselves.  However, having suffered violations for decades, citizens are weary to report abuses.  By their memory, whenever they fought for their human rights, they faced detention or worse.  The people still doubt whether they can trust the current government’s human rights body or not.

There are still many political prisoners whose only crime was fighting for the fundamental human rights of Burmese citizens.  Labour rights activists and those who fought for freedom of expression – political rights and civil rights – are still under detention; and if the government really wants to show respect for human rights, these political prisoners must be released.

If Burma’s government and President Thein Sein are really sincere about a democratic transition, they must release more political prisoners. And the newly-established human rights body should not do only ‘lip service’ towards human rights protection, but must scrupulously do what it takes to create a free, fair, and safe Burma. They must set up a proper framework of educating communities about human rights, meet with human rights victims, andhold public forums on past human rights abuses as well as set up plans for protection in the future.  They also must push for training of law enforcement to respect human rights within the law. An amendment should be made to the 2008 Constitution that stipulates the government must uphold all basic human rights principles regarding political, civil, social, economic, and cultural rights.  To fund the body, government must allocate sufficient budget for the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission to protect basic human rights. Finally, the human rights body must be independent from the government and the Burmese Army.

Ta Dein village is about 11 kilometers from the town of Three Pagodas Pass on Thai-Burma border. The villagers here are often forced to porter Burmese troops’ supplies and to walk in front as they head out into KNLA Brigade 6-controlled areas.

After the outbreak of post-election fighting between the Burmese government forces and the Breakaway Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) Brigade 5, local residents in Three Pagodas Pass (TPP) Sub-township have been forced to serve as porters for government battalions.

Particularly, the villagers from Ta Dein, Ah Pa-lone, Myaing Tha-yar villages and nearby villages in TPP sub-township, Kyarinnseikkyi Township, Karen State, are frequently used as porters. They are forced to carry army rations, equipment and heavy weaponry like mortars and artillery shells. This is all in addition to walking ahead of the troops, serving as human shields or mine clearers. These residents encounter extreme danger as they are forced onto battle fields and areas controlled by opposing armed groups.

Myint Swe (not real name), said that the LIB No. 543 commander forced the village headman and him to find three villagers in the village to porter and lead the troops to Ah Plone village, even though they thought the troops knew how to get there. He added that the LIB No. 543 have often used local residents to serve as human shields and porters when they were doing military operations in KNLA Brigade 6’s controlled-area.

“They always force villagers to walk in front, show the way, and carry army supplies. We could not refuse their orders. I had to go like that several times already. Depending on when they are doing military operations, we have to find 2-3 villagers to guide them,” said Myint Swe.

Myint Swe, 47, is a wage laborer and a farmer, growing paddy rice on the mountain in t he rainy season. He is an ethnic Karen, father of three, and serves as a community leader in his village.

Instead of finding three villagers and endangering them, the village headman and Myit Swe decided to go porter on behalf of the village. Still, there included another villager, Saw Hla (not real name), making three porters in total.

After they left from Ta Dein village and walked half an hour, Myint Swe stepped on landmine and lost his leg during an ambush attack by the KNLA Brigade 6 between Myaing Thar Yar and Ah Plone villages, which are controlled by the KNLA and located in Kyarinnseikyi Township, Karen State. The landmines incinerated his cuboids and calcareous bones, in addition to causing a little bit of injury to his left hand.  Also, four fighters of the LIB No. 543 received serious injuries when another group of bombs exploded in front of them. The two other porters, the village headman and Saw Hla, accompanied Myint Swe back to the village safely after three days of portering and guiding the government troops into the conflict zone.

“At the time, six government troops took to the frontline and I was put in the second line. When we arrived near Myaing Thar Yar village, I stepped on landmine. I could feel how when I lifted up my leg the landmine went off. After that, four landmines were detonated in front of me and four soldiers were seriously wounded. After the blasts, there was a small burst of small-arms fire in our direction. But the commander commanded his men not to shoot back, so it didn’t last long,” Myint Swe told.

Myint Swe said that the commander paid him 100,000 kyat (3,800 Thai baht) and 1,500 Thai baht for medical treatment. And, he added that if that amount of money was not enough for the treatment, he could ask for more at the troops’ headquarters.

Myint Swe was injured about 8:30 A.M and sent to Sangklaburi hospital, Kanchanburi province, Thailand, around mid-night with his son, who took care of him on October 6. He has been lying in hospital bed for three days already and is still waiting to get operation for his wounded left leg.

Myint Swe’s son, about 25 years old, said, “We received a phone call after my father got injured on the frontline. The soldiers sent him back to village by boat. And, I was with him to come across to the Thai side and rush him to the hospital. He was in critical condition when we arrived at the hospital because a lot of blood had already run out of him on the way. And, when we got to the hospital, the doctor asked me to find a blood donor for him. I knew no one here, so how could I find that? “

“If the situation gets better, the doctor said they would do an operation on his leg,” he added.

Despairing and discouraged with his father’s situation, he described that he did not know how to support his father and his family for survival in the future.

It’s extremely hard and dangerous for lives of local residents in the Ta Dein village, as they cannot escape from being used as porters, human shields or mine-clearers by the government troops. Those who are forced to porter will return to their homes safely if they are lucky; but otherwise, they may be killed or maimed by a landmine.

Even though there are some positive changes taking place in Burma, such as the release of some political prisoners and relaxed internet restrictions and media censorship, human rights abuses are still being committed by the Burmese government troops towards ethnic minorities. Particularly, in the regions of TPP Sub-township, Kyarinnseikkyi Township, Karen State, the use of local residents for service of government battalions as porters, carrying army supplies, and human shields, walking advance of the troops, is still in practiced and has yet to cease.