Money extorted from local fishermen

The officials and soldiers of the navy administrative unit No. 43, which operates under Mawrawaddy Navy Command, number more than sixty troops and have bases in the Yebyu Township villages of Own-pin-kwin, Kywe Thone Nyi Ma, Kadike harbor, and Kyauk Hta Yan. The troops have extorted money from people with marine-related businesses or fishing-boat owners in the villages near their bases. In February alone, fees of 30,000 kyat, gasoline, and fishing products were unfairly seized from 210 owners of small or large fishing-boats in Kyauk Hta Yan and Da-Min-Seik villages, according to locals.  Ko Ngwe Own (pseudonym), a 44-year-old Kyauk Hta Yan resident, feeds his six family members by fishing off a small boat powered by a Honda engine. On February 18^th, he reported that the military troops, police, and navy units have extorted money from him over his entire fishing career, creating a situation in which he struggles to provide for his family. Even in this era of new government, there is no decline in the bribery and extortion committed against civilian populations. In fact, the violations are increasing dramatically.

“During my 20-year career as a fisherman, I have always faced extortion, even up to today.  It is heard that other regions are peaceful, but the conditions in our region are still bad.  Now, each month I have to pay 30,000 kyat to Captain Min Zaw Moe of Navy 43 and his staff.  They justify the fee by saying they provide security and grant a monthly fishing-permit.  I merely own a small boat, so I have to work the whole day to cover my daily food costs, not including 5000 kyat for gasoline.  Sometimes, we don’t catch anything.  They should lower their demands.  In Kyauk Hta Yan village alone, there are over eighty villagers required to pay this “boat-tax.”  You can calculate how much [the troops] get if each villager has to pay 30,000 kyat.”

The monthly 30,000 kyat fee is demanded only of engine-powered boat owners.  Ko Min Chit, a 39-year-old Kyauk Hta Yan resident, fishes in a small boat without an engine. At the end of February, he reported that the troops from naval unit No. 43 were demanding a weekly gallon of gasoline and 200 prawns from rowboat owners who only fish periodically.

“The engine-less boat owners have to pay 5,000 kyat, or the equivalent of a gallon of gasoline, per week.  [The troops] will not give receipts, so if another group demands the same payout that week, we have to pay again.  Normally, the 5,000-kyat fee is paid to Sergeant Kyi Wai and his group, who work under Captain Min Zaw Moe.  There are over forty villagers in the same situation as me.  If the troops come across a prawn-catching boat, 200 prawns are demanded.  If there is any failure to pay, a work-permit isn’t granted on the following day.  My uncles have to pay 200 prawns daily.”

Forced labor and boat commandeering

On top of seizing prawn hauls or exacting fees, locals explained that troops also commandeer boats to transport high-ranking naval administrative officials and force residents to labor in local army units.  Male villagers and boat owners in Kyauk Hta Yan and Da-Min-Seik villages described how they were forced to work for the navy unit in March.

“My boat was commandeered for two consecutive days in mid-March, during a visit from Moulmein and Tavoy Navy executive officials. I was unable to raise money for food and they used four of my gallons of gasoline during that time.  Meanwhile, eight other boat owners also had their crafts seized.  A lieutenant colonel led the visit, and Captain Min Zaw Moe ordered us to yield our boats. None of us could work our jobs.  Around twenty ordinary villagers from Kywe Thone Nyi Ma who aren’t in the fishing industry or rubber plantation owners were forced to work on Kadike Base, welcoming high-ranking visitors.  The village administrators managed everything.”

Ko Kyaw Min Htike, a 22-year-old Kyauk Hta Yan resident, said that motorbikes with full tanks of gasoline were also commandeered to transport the patrol navy soldiers.  The troops carelessly and roughly handled the bikes, but then were not accountable for their actions.

“These incidences are occurring under the civilian government of President U Thein Sein; therefore, we want the government to stop the military.  We want nothing else.  If the situation changes and we are allowed to live freely, then no one will want to flee this place (Kyauk Hta Yan),” said 55-year-old boat owner U Thin Po during an interview on March 24^th. He added that one of his sons fled to Thailand in late 2011 after getting in a fight with a navy soldier and subsequently being severely tortured.

“Kyauk Hta Yan, Da-min-seik, and Kywe Thone Nyi Ma are villages that have never tasted peace.  Land confiscation, forced labor, money extortion and other abuses are still occurring today. In 2011, Navy No. 43 confiscated plots of land in Kywe Thone Nyi Ma and Min Thar villages.  The government never resolved that crime.  Since we are in a transition period, I would like to urge governors and members of parliament (MP) of each particular state or division to stop the violations against civilians committed by the Navy No. 43.”

In Burma, after the civilian-led government was installed, some real steps of change was taking place, such as dialogue with pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the allowance of her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), to contest in the by-election, and relaxing some restrictions on the press and media. However, human rights abuses committed by government troops continue unabated in the ethnic minority areas.Download report as PDF [979 KB]

HURFOM’s field researchers gathered accounts of human rights abuses committed in the areas in which ethnic minorities reside during the eight month-long aftermath of the installation of the President Thein Sein-led civilian government. From December 2011 to the 2nd week of January 2012, HURFOM field researchers documented the human rights violations of local residents, of whom the majority are Karen people, from Than-ta-bin Township, Toungoo District, Pegu Division. The documented human rights abuses were committed by the battalions under Military Operations Command No. 9 (MOC). The abuses include forcing locals to serve unpaid labor; commandeering local-owned motorbikes, trucks and oxen carts to transport army supplies; and the use of truck drivers as human shields to drive their trucks through newly-made military routes as a purpose of clearing landmines.

In addition, from December 2011 to February 2012, HURFOM also documented the human rights abuses faced by local residents in Kyainnseikyi Township, Kawkareik District, Karen State. The abuses committed by the government troops include the enforcement of villagers to porter and to serve as human shields; forcing local truck drivers to carry government troops’ supplies; shooting innocent villagers and accusing villagers of having contact with rebel groups.

HURFOM has so far found out that human rights abuses are still being committed by government troops in spite of the establishment of a new civilian government and the founding of the National Human Rights Commission.

Background

Harvesting durian, mangoes, and betel nuts is what local residents in Htan Ta Bin Township, Toungoo District, Pegu Division depend on for their families’ incomes. The majority of residents are Karen and they have to struggle for their daily meals. However, besides struggling for their daily lives, they face various human rights abuses committed by local based government’s battalions under the authority of Military Operations Command (MOC) No. 9.

According to HURFOM’s findings, both male and female villagers from Htan Ta Bin Township are forced to serve as porters, carrying army supplies, while also having to provide a large amount of money for government troops to celebrate the New Year holiday.

In addition, the villagers in Three Pagodas Pass Sub-township and Kyainnseikyi Township, Kawkareik District, Karen State depend on the farming of rice, corn, tobacco leaf and other seasonal crops for their livelihood, while some also depend on driving trucks for their income. It is, however, not easy for them to escape the local based government battalions from forcing them to serve as porters and human shields.

According to a truck driver from Ye-lae village, Kyainnseikyi Township, many truck drivers in the area are frequently ordered by the government battalions to carry their supplies, while they also have to provide the gas and money for transportation. For them, there is no guarantee of safety during their term of forced labor because of the constant fighting between government troops and the rebel groups in the area.

Government Troops Commit Forced Labor in Htan Ta BinTownship

Starting in December 2011 to the 2nd week of January 2012, HURFOM documented the human rights abuses of villagers in Htan Ta Bin Township, Toungoo District, Pegu Division perpetrated by the government’s battalions under the command of Military Operations Command (MOC) No. 9. The abuses include unpaid labor, and the commandeering of their motorbikes, oxen-carts and trucks for the use of transporting military supplies.

Bawgaligyi and Yethogyi villagers were forced by the troops of Bawgaligyi-based frontline of MOC No. 6, in Taungoo Town, Pegu Division, to carry army rations. Each villager had to carry two packages of rice on his or her motorbike from Palae Wa military base to Bawgaligyi base. HURFOM field reporters documented that those 18 villagers who were forced to carry army rations were between the ages of 20–37.
The villagers who had their motorbikes and trucks commandeered were forced to un-plant landmines, and were also kept for the use of forced labor.

Arbitrary Fee Collection Practiced by Government Troops in Htan Ta BinTownship

On 2, December 2011, the Border Guard Force (BGF) No. 1014 led by Captain Tin Win called the village head of Ta-kaw Bo village and gave him some vouchers to collect fees from villagers for the celebration of the New Year. The villages that were also given vouchers and the number of vouchers given to each village are listed:

1) Mae-lae Kee village, 3 vouchers
2) No-kaw village, 1 voucher
3) Ta-kaw Bo village, 2 vouchers
4) Tal Pon village, 2 vouchers
5) Kon-tan gyi village, 2 vouchers
6) Sein-kyaw Lat Ta-pan village, 1 voucher
7) Mae-yae village, 1 voucher
Baw Tapa-ro village, 2 vouchers
9) Htee Panal village, 1 voucher
10) No-ta ray village, 1 voucher
11) Lae-kal Kaw village, 1 voucher
12) Kwee Ta Kaw village, 1 voucher
13) Htee Mae Baw village,1 voucher

On 15 December 2011, the troops from Division No. 44, and LIB No. 102, together with Column No. 2’s Captain Khin Zaw, Pa’an Township-based Border Guard Force’s Major Taw Ma-na and Captain Tin Win entered Pa-lon Taung village and discharged gunfire and mortars near the village. They also forced the village head to accompany them and demand money from locals in Kyaung-wa village in order to celebrate the New Year. The villages that were forced to provide the fees for the New Year Celebration include:

1) Kya-sa village, 300,000 Kyat
2) Pa-lon Taung village, 300,000 Kyat
3) No-aw-lar village, 300,000 Kyat
4) Ta-lain Kayin village, 300,000 Kyat
5) Ye-aye village, 200,000 Kyat
6) Bal Ta-pyu village, 300,000 Kyat

If the amount of money demanded were not paid, the troops would intimidate the villagers by threatening to come to the village and ruin the village’s New Year celebrations. Because of the intimidation tactic the villagers had to pay the demanded amount on 17th December 2011.Saw Baw-par, a villager from Tar-thu Kee village, was also taken by the troops as they accused him of being a member of the KNU.

Bawgaligyi based MOC No. 9’s Captain commandeered a truck and five motorbikes, besides taking a driver of a digging truck from Bawgaligyi village, on 5 December 2011. The 6 drivers had to drive from Bawgaligyi village to Maung Daing Gyi carrying military supplies as ordered by the MOC No. 9’s Captain.

Female Villagers Also Face Forced Labor

On December 9, 2011 32 local residents from Ye-ta-kon village were forced by LIB No. 375 based in Ye-ta-kon village, Htan Ta Bin Township to cut and clean the bush on the way from Ye-ta-kon village to Pa-lae-Wa village. On 7 December 2011 48 male villagers and two female villagers from Ye-ta-kon village were forced by LIB No. 375 to cut and clean the bush on the way from Ye-ta-kon military base to Pa-lae-wa village. On 7 December 2011 from 18:40 pm to 20:00 pm there were about 10 mortar shells fired from outside the village by troops from MOC No.9’s LIB No. 378 led by Battalion Commander Lin Thein Oo from Maung Ngaw-gyi Frontline base including gun firing in to the village. Of 10 mortar shells fired five shells went off in the village while the other five shells exploded outside the village; no villagers were injured.

On December 13, 2011, 16 villagers, made up of 13 males and three females from Maung Ngaw-gyi village, were forced by LIB No. 378’s battalion commander Lin Htein Oo to porter their rations from Maung Ngaw-gyi village to Nan-Changkwin village. On December 15, 2011, again, there were 13 male villagers and three female villagers from Maung Ngaw-gyi village forced to carry army rations from Maung Ngaw-gyi to Nan-change-kwin village. On 14 December 2011 seven villagers from Ye-ta-kon village were forced by LIB No.375 to clear out the road from Ye-ta-kon village to Pa-lae-wa village, Htan Ta Bin Township.

On December 18, 2011 LIB No. 357’s Column No. 1 and Column No. 2, made up of over 100 fighters, came to the station in Sat-ka-wat village. The two columns headed back to Taung-palon village on December 20, 2011. On their way back, they took about 24 Sat-ka-wat villagers, consisting of males and females, to lead the troops to Taung-palon village as human shields. Some of those villagers were middle-aged adults while some were as old as 60-67 years old.

In addition, on December 29, 2011 MOC No. 9’s LIB No. 375, based in Tap-bu village, ordered the drivers of 16 Ox-carts from the village located at the bottom of mountain to carry their army supplies to Htee-Muu-tar base.

Human Rights Abuses Continue to Happen in Kyainnseikyi Township

Villagers Forced to Serve as Porters and Human Shields

On 14 December 2011 IB No. 62’s Column No.2, led by Major Ko Ko Oo, arrested two residents from Ah-nan Kawin village, Three Pagodas Pass (TPP) Sub-township, while two other villagers from the village were arrested by the same Column again the next day, December 15 2011. The arrested villagers were forced to guide the way for the troops and made to carry the army’s food supplies and other materials. On December 16 2011, the first two villagers escaped from the forced labor, whereas the other two arrested villagers were freed to go home on the same day.

Local Villager Subjected to Inhumane Torture

HURFOM documented that with the reasons of ongoing fighting in the region, the government troops continue to commit human rights abuses to ethnic groups living in Kyainnseikyi Township, Kawkareik District, Karen State. During their military operation, the government troops from LIB No.562 shot a local resident. The resident was being interrogated by the troops on KNU movements, which the resident could not answer properly due to language difficulty.

This event shows that the ordinary villagers who have to struggle for their daily meals and who have no knowledge of ethnic armed group’s movement are still facing inhumane torture committed by government troops.

The shooting of the innocent villager took place near Ta-po Poe-hta village, which is located west of Hongta-raw stream, lying west of Kyaik-don — Kyainnseikyi highway, in Kawkareik District, Karen State. Ta-po Poe-hta village has only 25 households and the majority of the villagers depend on farming for their living.

The villagers depend on roughly a two mile long farmland close to the village to grow rice, corn, tobacco leaf and other seasonal crops for their livelihoods. The government troops’ suspicion and treatment of the Ta-po Poe-hta villagers as informants of the KNU place the villagers in a dangerous situation in which they are always questioned by authority. The latest case occurred during the military operations. When the villagers could not answer the troops’ interrogations, they were beaten up, killed, and had their belongings taken away.

An interview with Saw Ka-lon Sae (not the interviewee’s real name), the witness stated that on 30 January 2012, Saw Khaing Kyi (not the victim’s real name), 35, a Ta-po Poe-hta villager, was questioned by a Column from LIB No. 562, led by Second Colonel Kyaw Naing, when he was heading back from his crop field and before getting to his village about 5 Furlongs. Saw Khaing Kyi’s right thigh was shot.

“Saw Khaing Kyi is from my village. He can only speak Karen. We, the villagers, know that he is quiet and innocent. He can not tell anything about armed-related issues in Burmese. The Colonel Kyaw Naing is the worst Colonel in the region. Saw Khaing Kyi was taken to the troops’ base when he was heading back from his crop field. He was questioned there, and then his jaw was hit. As he could not reply in Burmese, he was verbally abused and finally got shot in his right thigh by the troops. We saw the occurrence and we thought he was dead. We took him to the village after he stopped bleeding. Because the bone in his leg got hit by the bullet, we are not sure that his leg will recover and if he can even use his leg like before. He has three children and the whole family depends on him.” Witness, Saw Ka-lon Sae.

When HURFOM contacted a member of the Township Administration in Kyainnseikyi Township, Kawkareik District, he said that that the case was true, but the troops did not ask any questions concerning with the KNU but Saw Khaing Kyi just got shot as he could not reply to what they asked. The official could not give any more details.

An officer from the KNU’s Kyainnseikyi Township Administration gave his opinions that the new national reforms only take place in the country’s capital and other large cities and towns but not in the countryside. Unless the government troops stop committing human rights abuses, there will be no such democratic reform taking place in the whole country; he urged to end the ongoing abuses and the oppression of local people:

“It is sure that change and reached peace agreements talks have only taken place in Rangoon, Nay Pyi Taw, and other big towns. But for the local villagers residing in the countryside (or in rural areas), they just continue to face abuses that affect their livelihoods. We hear about that. The real reform will not happen if human rights abuses continue to be committed in the rural areas. The army troops should obey their government’s order and respect human rights. I just want to say that ongoing abuses and oppression should be stopped right now.”, Officer from the KNU’s Kyainnseikyi Township Administration.

Local Truck drivers Forced to Carry Army Supplies

On 13 February 2012 at 8 AM, LIB No. 283’s Lieutenant Colonel Moe Myint Kyaw, together with his 35 men, demanded five truck drivers, who were driving to Kyainnseikyi, to carry the army’s rations and other materials. The drivers themselves had to load on the stuff and they were forced to drive ahead of the frontline troops. Also, the drivers had to give some gallons of their gas and money to the troops. The statement below was given by a driver, a native of Ye-lae village, Kyainnseikyi Township. His name is Pan-ko, 30, a Lon-shan native.

“In this year alone, the truck I drive has been commandeered about 12 times already. I had to provide labor, gas, and even money. I do not own the truck, I’m just hired to work as a driver according to the seasons. It really affects us as they just use their power, pointing their guns at us and forcing us to work. On 13 February at 8 AM, we had to drive to Pin-ma Kon 283 army base in Three Pagoda Pass Town to load on their stuff and then drive out on the same day. They did not feed us anything. Not only did we have to drive their rations on the trucks, we, the people, were also used. We had to load their rations and other stuff on the trucks by ourselves. And, they did not let us go home after using us for one day. Whenever they demanded us we had to work, they only let us go home after three days to one week. And, this last time, they let us go earlier they used us for only two days. Yet, 1,0000 kyat of mine was taken by a soldier. Some other drivers were slapped on the face and yelled at by the soldiers when they asked to let them go home. And, we could not drive as we wished. It was just like we were driving held by gunpoint, the enemies could shoot anytime they wanted. I was just tired, I kept praying that no fighting would breakout while I was driving for them. If I was unlucky, the truck would be damaged and I would be dead.. Last year, a friend of mine was driving to Ye-lae and Taung Sone villages as demanded by the government troops. He was shot dead since fighting broke out while he driving. I had to pray for it not to happen to; it was very dangerous. We knew that we would be forced by the troops as long as they were here. It was too unfair to force us like this. We just wanted them to understand our situation and how we had to struggle for our daily meals.”,Pan-Ko.

Conclusion

It is clear that although many people believe that President Thein Sein and his Administration have taken some steps of change, for those villagers in Htan Ta Bin and Kyainnseikyi townships the “change” is just a word as they are still experiencing human rights abuses at the hands of government troops, such as those documented in this report.

The findings in this report show that civilians residing in the affected areas have become the victims of extortion and inhumane torture by government troops. In addition, they are forced to carry military supplies, to clean and cut the brush, and to clear landmines by walking ahead of the troops, besides providing their oxen-carts, motorbikes, and trucks for the use of carrying military supplies. Finally, they were demanded to provide a large amount of money for the government battalions’ New Year celebrations.

Despite the establishment of a supposedly civilian-led government and the formation of the National Human Rights Commission, human rights abuses are still prevalent throughout the rural areas. Hence, it is a moral imperative for the new civilian government to move towards expansive democratic reforms, which contributes to all ethnic groups. And to establish political dialogues with all ethnic armed groups in order to end fighting and to bring about a stable peace. If the government continues to ignore the human rights situation throughout Burma, the people of Burma will continue to face and suffer human rights abuses in an environment of impunity.

Young Buddhist monk Zaw Latt, otherwise known as Ashin Oak-kan-sa, was put in prison by the military regime to serve his 15 years sentences under three different charges including a violation of Burma’s draconian Electronics Act. On January 7, 2010 he was arrested by military intelligenceand local policemen, in Kya-khine-ye ward, Thanpyuzayat Town after distributing posters opposing the 2010 general elections and the Guiding Star newspaper in Krain Ka-rate village and the nearby  Thanbyuzayat Township.

This below is an interview with Ashin Oak-kan-sa conducted by HURFOM. In the interview Ashin Oak-kan-sa shares his opinions on future freedoms and rights of Mon people,the military regime-drawn 2008 Constitution, the varyingpoints of view on federal systems amongpolitical prisoners, and his personal experiences as a prisoner of conscience.

Question: In your opinion, what kind of future can we hope for for our Mon nationals to get freedoms and rights?

Answer: In my opinion, for our Mon nationals to get freedom, first, since there are many ethnic groups in our country, and they all want the country to become a federal union, we have to establish our country as a federal union. And, from that, we will get the freedom that we want and the rights to do what we want to do. Then, from that, we can get freedom for our Mon nationals.

Question: What is your opinion on the 2008 Constitution?

Answer:  If we look back at the 2008 Constitution, there are very few opportunities and rights for minority ethnic groups. If we just go through this 2008 Constitution, for the people in Burma and minority ethnic groups, there is no hope for equality, which is what we want. Obviously, this is because the Constitution only includes few rights for minorities – the rights are very, very few. And, this is because the Constitution was drawn by no representatives representing on behalf of the minorities, but by the government itself. So, we can not accept this 2008 Constitution.

Question: Do you think the 2008 constitution should be re-drawn by the government itself again or together with representatives of ethnic minorities?

Answer: This 2008 Constitution should be re-drawn. The representatives from ethnic minorities and people must be included in drawing the Constitution. The real representatives from the people and minorities must participate in drawing the Constitution. So, that will be the federal system. I believe that that is the only way to be a federal system. And, from that step, the federal system, we can later get the freedom and rights for our Mon people.

Question: Did you get the chance to talk with other political prisoners about the future of Burma? If yes, what did you and other political prisoners discuss? And, were there any different perspectives between ethnic political prisoners and Burman political prisoners?

Answer: When I was in prison, we, together with many other ethnic political prisoners, used to have discussions. When I met with ethnic political prisoners, I always came across the discussion and agreement that we must have a federal system in our country. I heard the same voice from ethnic political prisoners, to have a federal system. But, from the views of Burman political prisoners, they did not agree with this federal system.  They did not want to discuss about the federal system – they said that this federal system will lead the country to split apart. But, we, the ethnic political prisoners, said a federal system is the one structure that can lead the country to unity – not to separate and split apart. And, only a federal system can make the country a united country.  Those are the different opinions and voices from the Burman political prisoners and the ethnic political prisoners, and that is what I heard during my prison term.

Question: Could you tell us why you were chased and arrested by the military intelligence and policemen in Thanbyuzayat Town? What were you doing before the arrest?

Answer: It was when I was on the back of a motorbike heading to Krain Ka-rate village, and yes, some devices were brought with me before I was chased and arrested by the military intelligence and policemen. Actually, I was heading to Krain Ka-rate village to copy some CDs as the memory of the video-recorder was full with data and the monastery in Krain Ka-rate had computers.  Also, there was a celebration of a deceased monk at the time.

I distributed small posters and stuck the posters on some vehicles, cars and motorbikes, and on the way, I stuck some posters on the utility poles. The posters were about opposing the upcoming 2010 election. Right after I hung up the posters, I shot the videos. Also, at the time, there was a sentence at the bottom of every Mon National Day signboard, which had been erased by the government. Itwas the anniversary of the 63^rd Mon National Day. There was an order from the district governor to erase the last sentence on the announcements of Mon National Day right after the signboards were put up. I was taking the photos of the erased part of the announcements. And, I already took the videos and distributed the posters boycotting the general elections. These activitities were intended to alert the media,that was my plan.

Question: Could you explain how you were chased and arrested by the military intelligence and policemen? How did you run with your bag, which included some technical devices?

Answer: Actually, my first plan was to go to Krain Ka-rate village. I knew that there were policemen and military intelligence following me at the time. One of them had a phone and they were in plain clothes.  When I took a tricycle they would take tricycles too. I got off the tricycle at the entranceof Krain Ka-rate. I knew clearly that the men were military intelligence and police. Then, I accompanied one local youth and I headed into an Internet café.  Worse yet, the connection was down so I could not hide in the Internet Cafe and had to leave  the café and headed to Krain Ka-rate village. I took a motorbike taxi and right after driving outside Thanbyuzayat Town and arriving a Kuu Yar-bar village another motorbike followed. They stopped our motorbike and asked me where I was heading to,and, I said I was heading to Krain Ka-rate village. Then, they told me that one official from Thanbyuzayat wanted to see me,I asked why and what he wanted to do with me. They replied that they did not know. I told them I could not meet with the official as I was in hurry, butthey retaliated and told me I could go after my errands to meet the official. At the time, I knew what was happening, but I still maintained myself not to panic or get frightened. I agreed to see the official and we turned our motorbikes arounddriving and drove to see the official.  While I was on the motorbike heading to see the official, I thought that I should not let myself get caught and that I would run away,so I asked the motorist to drive me away. But, the motorist said he could not drive me away as his motorbike’s license wasclearly visible. And he added that if he drove away, he would be caught. I understood his case, and I thought that I would let them arrest me. However, when we arrived near Kya Khaing Yae quarter in Thanbyuzayat, I asked the motorist to slow down and I got off the motorbike andran away. I was very worried, not just for myself, but I was also worrying for others since there was a lot of data in the computer, video-recorder and camera. After running for a while I went into a home. But, they were just following me. The homeowner asked me if they could help hide my stuff,but it was too late. At the time, I still had three posters left in my bag. The remaining three posters were the main problem as they have already seen the posters. They caught me and took me to the police station. At the police station, they did not check my computer and videos, but they asked me where I was heading to and I replied to them that I was heading to Krain Ka-rate village for the celebration being held for the deceased monk.

Question: Where were you taken to after the questioning at Thanpyuzayat Police Station? Had you already been disrobed at the time?

Answer: I was taken to Moulmein at about 8 PM, and we arrived in Moulmein around 9:30 PM. I was sent to No.5, Special Branch of Police Office, which is located on the top of a mountain.

No, I was still in monk robe when I was being questioned at the Thanbyuzayat police station, but I was handcuffed.

Question: What did the government officers at the No. 5 Special Branch of Police Office do to you? When were you forced to disrobe and how did the officers make you disrobe?

Answer: Arriving at the office I was ordered by the officers to sit down right at the entrance office, where people take off their shoes, with my monk robe. As ordered, I sat down. But, a bit later, another officer found it inappropriate and let me siton a chair. Then, they said,“Because of you, we are starving and suffering.” And they tried to disrobe me. They phoned a Mon monk at San-kae Nae-ka monastery first. After talking on the phone, which I could not hear the officer told me, “You are no longer a Buddhist monk. the chairman of San-kae Naka monastery said so. So, you can take off your robes now.” I responded,“It is nothing concerning you: I myself know whether or not I am a monk.” Then, they said “We do not know about that. We have to follow orders given from the high ranking officials, and we do not know other things. So, take off your robes.” Yet, I did not take off my robes and I just stood there.  But, they said “If you do not take off your robes, we will do take it off.” And, they just pulled down my robe.  At the time, I felt very sad, my tears ran down my face, thinking that I never thought they could do to this to me. After taking off my robe, they gave me some clothes to put on. They then sent me to main No. 5 office, where they opened the case and started questioning me.

Question: How did the officers question you and did they treat you well while you were at the office?

Answer: At the place, where they were questioning me, there were 15-20 people. And, there were five to six guys surrounding me to beat me if I did not answer the questions.  The men started harassing me after I was disrobed.  It was obvious that they would beat me if I did not answer their questions. At the office, I was bombarded with endless questions the whole night, from evening until the next morning.They questioned me on whom I worked with and if there were any other people concerned with the case.

Question: So, what did you tell them when you were being interrogated?

Answer: Well, actually, I had already sworn to myself while I was on the truck being taken to Moulmein from Thanbyuzayat that I would accept this case by myself; I would not accuse my friends, monks and laypersons, and our Mon organizations. I would not betray them, and I would accept this case and face through it by myself. I told them that this case concerned no one but only me.

Question: When were you sent to Rangoon after being kept and questioned at No. 5, Special Branch of Police Office? Where were you sent to and what happened after that?

Answer: I was sent to Rangoon from Moulmein on 8^th Jan, 2010 in the afternoon.  We arrived in Rangoon around 2-3 AM the next morning.  In Rangoon, they opened the case in the court of law at the office of Aung Thabyay Sitt Kyaw Police Station, 8 miles Ward, Mayam Gon Township.  They investigated me for two nights and two days and they gave me nothing to eat and drink for two days.  That was what their policy, not to give food and water if their questions were not answered.  

Question: How were you interrogated and tortured while you were kept at the Aung Thabyay Sitt Kyaw Police Station?

Answer: They used many techniques like tricking and persuading me to answer their questions.

Among the many types of tortures they did to me, one type that hurt the most was when they would beat my head and my face with their boots.  They took off their boots, and from behind they beat my head and face with their boots. They did this because I did not answer their questions.  They also tortured me in many different ways. However, they did not torture me to permanently disfigure me. Besides that, they tortured me physically and  tortured me mentally. They were trying to persuade me to tell them everything. Yet, I was aware that they would trick me  to talk.  What they said was that if I did not tell them who and what they want to know, my case is such a big one that they would detain me for up to 40-50 years. But, if I told them information that they wanted to know, they would reduce the years of imprisonment. They were trying to convince me by saying that was in their hands to reduce and increase the time served in prison and that they could even release me. I knew that they were tricking me. That is how they tricked and persuaded people. Another tactic they used was telling me that they would arrest the abbot from Naing-ha Lain village and my parents. Frightening me like that, my tears ran down my face, and they asked me whether or not I was afraid. I asked them in return “Why they were concerned with this?”  They replied “Whether or not it concerns them, it is our responsibility to arrest your teachers and parents.”  That was how they frightened me.  That’s the time they interrogated me.

Question: At the Aung Thabyay Sitt Kyaw Police Station in Rangoon, how long were you kept there and what did they do to you while you were kept there?

Answer: At that police station, I was kept there for about 23 days, and I was questioned non-stop for two days and two nights. They also sometimes interrogated me on other days.  They bombarded me with endless questions on the first two days that I had got there. They did not let me rest and sleep nor did they give me something to eat and drink. I was worried about my friends. Concerned with their interest in myphotos and videos. I would counteract their questioning with the fact that photography and film have been my hobbies  since childhood. I was very interested in them since I was young. Whenever I went anywhere, I always took my camera and shot photos, that is my hobby. Also, at any meeting, whether or not they invited me to attend, I always went there to participate and when I got there I always took photos and videos. I did not know what their meetings were. They were none of my business and I did not care about that. People did not ask me about my ideas and opinions  and I did not tell them eitherBecause there were lots of photos in the camera, I could make them blurry and complicated. So, they could not know and check out what they were and did not find many problems with the photos. The photos included the entire Mon nationals, and there were thousands of photos. Because there were so many photos, they did not focus much attention on the photos. Yet, what they found problems with me was with the Guiding Star newspapers that I distributed and the posters opposing the general elections,these were the main problems.

Question: When were you transferred to Inn-sein Prison? And what happened right after your arrival at the prison?

Answer: Rhat was on February, 1, 2010, when they transferred me to Insein Prison. Having been transferred to Insein Prison, they opened the case in a trial court in accordance with the laws ofInsein Prison. It took more than 8 months. And, it was on 27^th October, 2010 when they announced that I would be imprisoned. Right after their imprisonment announcement, I said “Thar Duu” three times and I also thanked them. Upon the announcement I was neither afraid or sad, I was even happy. This is because I knew that I was now a Mon political prisoner. Afterward, I started singing our Mon National Anthem right in the court. At the time, their eyes became wide since they did not know what I was singing about. I said Thar Duu and sang our Mon National Anthem as I wanted to show that I was still brave and loved our Mon people even though I was announced to be jailed as a political prisoner.

Ashin Oak-kan-sa is 30 years old and he is a resident of Mu-doon Village, Chaung Zone Township, Mon State. Before his incarceration, he was an assistant lecturer in Buddhism at Aung Zay Ya, Buddhism-teaching Monastery, in Nine-halon village, Mudon Township, and he lived and served as an assistant lecturer there for more than five years.

After his release, Ashin Oak-ka-sa continues his Buddhist monkhood. In addition, he will keep fighting for his beliefs and his people’s freedom and rights through politics and journalism.

]]> http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2212/feed 0 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2209 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2209#comments Tue, 31 Jan 2012 10:15:19 +0000 saim http://rehmonnya.org/?p=2209 HURFOM: Thanbyuzayat Township: Local residents, who are heavily dependent on farming and tapping rubber trees from their own lands for their livelihoods, face abuses of land confiscation, property destruction, and extortion. Government Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62, Military Advanced Training School No. 4 and Artillery Regiment Command (ARC) No. 315, commits these abuses. HURFOM’s interviews, conducted with victims of the land seizure, extortion and property destruction, reveal that local farmers have not only had their huts that were built on their farms burnt down. Additionally, they had their farms seized, while rubber-plantation owners have had their plantations taken over, as well as being extorted. The abuses unveiled in this report took place in Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Aunk, Pain Nae-taw and Ka-line Pa-daw villages, Thanbyuzayat Township. All interviews were conducted between thesecond week of November and the beginning of December 2011.

Gov’t Battalion Burnt Down farming huts after Confiscating the Farms

During the last two weeks of September 2011, troops led by Captain Min Htun, from the government’s Infantry Battalion (IB) No.62, burnt down huts owned by villagers on their farms. Once again, these troops frightened local residents that [if there is any] house, hut or any other construction, built on land marked as ‘Army Land’ by the government, the Infantry Battalion would burn all down. According to local farmers, those farms are not property of the army. Since the land owners/farmers did not have any funds to cultivate their farms, these farms have been abandoned approximately two-and-a-half years ago. However, those abandoned farms were seized by IB No. 62, which was deployed to guard the gas pipeline.

Saw Naing Win (pseudonym for security purposes),owner of damaged property, explained how his hut, which was as large as an ordinary house, a hut to store hay, and a cowshed were burnt down by the IB No. 62:

“I have become so poor that I could not finance my farm, as I did not have any money to invest in it. These investments would include the costs of [paddy] seedlings, fertilizers, pesticides, and hiring laborers. Since 2009, for this reason, my 6-acre farm has been left without being cultivated. Now, the army took over, assuming the farmers no longer work on their farms. Yet, the army men did not only confiscate the farms, but they also burnt down three huts on my farm as they took over the farm. These were all my belongings. Now, I have only two oxen left with me. My daughters and sons are now working in Thailand. Since they cannot send money back, I can not cultivate the farm. It was in September that eight government soldiers came to burn down the huts on my farm. The leader was Capt. Min Htun. But, now he has transferred to somewhere else – that is what I heard. I am attempting to and want to get my farm back, so help me please,” said Saw Naing Win.

According to Saw Naing Win and his wife, similar to their experiences and sufferings, eight other farm-owners were unable to cultivate their farms. These farmers had their farms confiscated in Sa-khan Gyi village and comprised of 48 acres in total. Until today, those farms are left without being cultivated as Army Land and the farms are given to the Sa-khan Gyi village’s administrator.

Rubber Plantation owners wishing to get back the plantations after over one year confiscated

Rubber plantation owners in Thanbyuzayat, expressed that they want to regain and work on their plantations that were confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No. 62. These plantation owners are native to Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Out, Pain Nae-taw and Ka-line Pa-daw villages and stated that they requested human rights activists to help them get back their plantations after they had their plantations seized over one year ago.

“The rubber plantation that our family owns is 8.4 acres.  The rubber trees were as old as 30 years when they were taken over last year. Our rubber plantation was confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No.62 and Wae Kalee based Military Advanced Training School captains. After confiscating the plantation, IB No. 62 charged [us, the owners] 20,000 Kyat for the permission of tapping the rubber trees on [our] own plantation.  After 3 months of working on our farm, the rubber trees on our plantation became 30 years and the trees were pretty old. So, they cut down the old rubber trees. The villagers from Taung Out village were forced to work on cutting down the rubber trees, and then plant new rubber plants during the beginning of the rainy season. For us, we wanted to get back to our plantation. And, we wanted to work on our plantation again. Now, it has been over one year since the plantation was taken over.  I am a bit worried that it will be difficult to request to get our plantation back, if it was confiscated such a long time ago. In this case, for us, we need help from those activists or groups working to improve our land and human rights,” said Nai Chan Dein.

Nai Chan Dein [pseudonym], 46, a Sa-khan Gyi villager, is now working on the remaining three acres of his rubber plantation in Sa-khan Gyi village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State. HURFOM conducted an interview with him in the second week of November.

Plantation owners still charged with monthly allowances by the ARC No.315 for not to seize the plantations

A Taung Aunk villager, Saw Pain Phyo [pseudonym], 40, who wants to keep working on his 5-acre rubber plantation recounts that he [has to] continue paying a monthly 30,000 Kyat fee to Captain Taw Zin Htun from Artillery Regiment Command No. 315 for the permit of tapping rubber trees on his own plantation:

“It is as if they took over my rubber plantation. Most of the land [rubber plantations] that has been considered as Army Land, is confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No. 62, Military Advanced Training School No. 4 based in Wae Kalee village, and Artillery Regiment Command (ARC) No. 315. When they took over the plantations, there was no proof shown and there were no official letters that ordered that our land would be confiscated. These officials, acting on behalf of the government would set up signs indicating that our land would be Army Land for four months and then ended up seizing our plantations. Later, a verbal order from Sergeant-level Aye Kyaw from ARC No. 315 came to me that I have to pay 30,000 Kyat in monthly allowances, if I want to keep working on my 5-acre plantation. This was all last year, after the water festival. Now still, I have to pay these fees. But, the people that are in-charge to collect the monthly fees changed; yet people come to gather fees as usual. Even during rainy season, we are being charged although we cannot tap rubber trees during this season. We know that it’s not fair to pay money to work on a plantation that is ours; however, we continue to pay fees although we are short of money. This is because we are just worried that those who can pay will come to work on our plantation and we will lose our plantation if we do not pay 30,000 Kyat every month. Because of these costs, we cannot afford to send our daughter to school. We have managed to survive and pay these fees, so far. To solve this issue, I am not brave enough to report about this to anyone, not even brave enough to report during this new government’s term. I can only continue to wait what will happen. I cannot do anything since the army men are still here. Like me, there are more than 40 other rubber plantation owners who do not want to have their plantations lost and have to pay 20,000 – 50,000 Kyat fees per month respectively, depending on how many acres their plantations are,” remarked by Saw Pain Phyo.

Saw Pain Phyo is 40 years old and he is from Taung Aunk village, Thanbyuzayat Township.  HURFOM conducted an interview with him on 2 December, 2011, after meeting him in Ye Township.

The Infantry Battalion No.62 is based in Thanbyuzayat Town and the Military Advanced Training School No. 4 and Artillery Regiment Command No. 315 are based in Wae Kalee village, Thanbyuzayat Township. It is obvious that the government troops stated above continue to violate the local residents’ rights despite installing a new civilian government. Also, even though the signs of change are startling in the country, for those locals residing in rural areas, particularly in Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Aunk, Pain Nae-taw, and Ka-line Pa-daw villages, Thanbyuzayat Township, no changes have been implemented. Instead, villagers continue to suffer from the same human rights abuses that they faced during the former government – the State Peace and Development Council.

]]> http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2209/feed 0 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2204 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2204#comments Fri, 20 Jan 2012 05:03:09 +0000 HURFOM http://rehmonnya.org/?p=2204 Northern Yebyu, Tenasserim Division: The local villagers who make their livelihood through fishing along coastal areas of North-West of Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division, were abused by the navy administrative unit No. 43, which, according to the field records, operates under Mawrawaddy Navy Command.  During the interviews, the locals mentioned that the navy units continues to commit abuses such as extorting money, commandeering fishing boats, demanding gasoline and rations and forcing the local villagers to serve as guards.  These field records were collected from ten locals in fishing villages in North-West of Yebyu Township by two field reporters from HURFOM between December 28^th 2011 and January 10^th 2012.

The local navy administrative unit No. 43 has been collecting a monthly fee which ranges from twenty thousand kyats to seventy thousand kyats per household,  as local security subsidy from the villagers of Kyauk Hta-yan village, which has over 160 households, and Da-Min-Seik village, which has about 80 houses.  Ko Thar Kyi (Not real name), 36, who depends on fishing for his living, said on January, 2 that unlike villages in other regions, (his village) had to pay heavy monthly security fee to the government navy unit and have suffered from many abuses, including financial abuse.

“The fishermen from our village had to pay more local security fees.  Fishermen can make money (easily) when they catch more fish and prawns.  Therefore, the navy officials showed reason that the peaceful livelihood of the villagers is due to their fully-supported security services. The households which have only one fishing boat are obligated to pay twenty thousand kyat per month. The households which own more than one boat are forced to pay general security fees on up to seventy thousand kyat every month. Thousands of kyat has been paid to the navy unit No 43.  Our livelihood is just easier than those of hand-to-mouth people.  A big problem occurs on the day we cannot work.  When that time comes, extracting from our saved money for food, the monthly fee of twenty thousand (kyats) has to be paid.”

Ko Thar Kyi and most of his neighbors have to pay twenty thousand kyat to Navy Official Captain Min Zaw Moe who used to be based in Kywe Thone Nyi Ma. Moreover, for military transportation, their boats were commandeered at least three times per month.  Each time [if commandeered] it could last from one day to two days, said Ko Win Myint [not real name], Own-pin-kwin villager and boat owner.

“Besides monthly security fee, our boats, including boat drivers, were commandeered to transport the staff and troops from the navy unit.  We had to use our own petrol during commandeering. Each time of commandeering, the boats were used at least one day.  Two gallons of petrol were consumed per day.  No one dared to complain.  Even the village administrator had to arrange (the commandeering).  When we were commandeered, we could not go for fishing and could do nothing even if we had work to do.  During the visit of the higher-ranking officials, the commandeering could last up to one week.  If the one’s turn coincides with the visit, the one has to be suffered a lot.  During these days, the commandeering without any reasons occurred frequently.  In the previous years, each boat was commandeered only one time per month.  The village headman said that these events happened according to the order of Commander Major Ye Lin Tun.”

Unlike other villagers in Yebyu Township, Kyauk Hta Yan and Da-Min-Seik villagers have to make their livelihoods only on fishing, not on plantation and other businesses.  Even the less-earned small boat owners could not avoid the abuses of the local-based government’s navy unit.  The households who go for fishing with small boats which do not include engine and has to be paddled manually was ordered to pay one gallon of gasoline per month to the navy authorities of Kadike harbor situated in the estuary of the Heinze river, according to U Htun Myint [not real name], 55, a resident of Own-pin-kwin village.

“For the fishing permits of our (small) boats which do not include engines, we had to buy a gallon of gasoline which equates to five thousand kyat in cash monthly (and pay it to the navy unit).  We had to bring the gasoline to the navy base of Kadike Harbor.  It was an order stated that the locals could not go for fishing in Heinze River unless they paid a gallon of gas. Without paying (a gallon of gas), there were nothing they could do. We had to pay with fear.  In reality, no one wants to pay a gallon of gasoline.  In the past, small boats like ours did not need to pay this amount of gas.”

Even the permission of fishing along Heinze River and at its entrance was granted after paying a gallon of gasoline to the local navy authorities. He frequently mentioned that the navy men forcefully demanded good and big prawns and fish that he had caught, said Hla Win [not real name], over 20, as below.

“Forceful demanding of fish and prawns was often encountered. If demanded fishes and prawns were not given to them (the navy men), difficulties was to be expected in the future.  We can only earn money from those fish and prawns. And, if demanded fish and prawns were not given to the navy soldiers, fishing could be banned and we could face further hardship.  Now, like in the past, we are still abused.  Nothing obviously became better.  Fish are not abundantly caught like in the past, so we have to struggle a lot for our food.”

In late November of 2011, a Kyauk Hta Yan-resident youth who lives in Moulmein, Mon State came to the villagers of Kyauk Hta Yan, Own-pin-kwin and Da-Min-Seik villages and delivered papers and information which are useful for reporting to International Labor Organization(ILO).  According to the information, the villagers have the right to report to ILO when they have to be involved in forced labor and suffered from oppression.  However, the authorities of the navy administrative unit No 43 had heard about this news (of sharing information) and a few days later, intimidation from the navy unit appeared, said U Shwe (pseudonym).

“They [the navy authorities] chased the youth who said that the abuse cases should be reported to ILO and they wanted to arrest him, the young man.  He is an educated youth, who lives in an urban area and knows about ILO.  Now, he is not in this village.  Later, it was said that the authorities from the Navy Administrative Unit No. 43 called and intimidated the village administrative team.  The village administrator re-told the villagers that they were intimidated that if there is a report to ILO, and they all will be arrested.  Therefore, everyone is silent and too afraid to report the abuse cases to ILO.”

According to the interviews conducted with locals in Yebyu Township, it shows that the human rights abuses such as land confiscation, extortions (related to owning lands), forced labors, and monthly allowances ( for work permit, which allows the rubber plantations owners to work on their plantations) have increased in most villages in Yebyu Township, despite the aftermath of new civilian government’s installation, which is led by President Thenin Sein, instated in March, 2011 after the nationwide elections.

“Myanmar National Human Rights Commission” (MNHRC) which was formed and is led by the civilian government does not come to collect and document those happening abuse cases, and there is no victim who dares to report up-to-date information to ILO.

“Even the government itself said that the structure, members and policies of the government have been changed. There is no real change and development yet in spite of the government’s claim. This is because the [human rights abuses] cases that locals in the region face committed by local based military men, who do not seem to care and respect the government’s order and power, still exist. In fact, during this transition period, the abuses should be stopped earlier,” remarked by a former school teacher, from Alae Sa-khan village, Yebyu Township.

Comparing with the ongoing local abuse cases, a former school teacher, analyzed the national development and the situation of human rights.

Kadike Navy Command operates under Heinze Naval Region Command Head Quarter and the navy administrative unit No 43 is based in Own-pin-kwin Village located near Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island.  After late 2010, over one thousand acres of rubber and perennial fruit plantations were confiscated and about 3,000 acres of rubber plantation were surveyed to be confiscated in the mid of 2011. According to reports from HURFOM’s researchers, the local authorities are making money by granting permission to the owners to work in the confiscated plantations after receiving monthly allowances.

In Burma (also known as Myanmar), the new President Thein Sein (former Gen. Thein Sein) has attempted to move towards democratization or a democratic transition, by establishing a dialogue with pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and allowed her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), to participate in the general elections.  In order to show a positive change, the government also released a small number of political prisoners.

However, the Burmese Army still operates military offensives against ethnic rebel groups in Karen State, Shan State and Kachin State whilst the government has conducted ceasefire talks. Human rights violations have continued in these areas and thousands of ethnic civilians continue to suffer from abuses committed by troops of the Burmese Army. [Download Report in PDF format] | [Map]

In many non-conflict ethnic ceasefire areas, government authorities and troops of the Burmese Army continue to commit human rights violations in the rural areas.  The change of governmental system – from military regime to democratically elected government – has contributed too little change for Burma’s rural ethnic population. Subsequently, the changes that have been applied are not appreciated by those affected by them.

From [October to December, 2011], Human Rights Foundation of Monland – Burma’s (HURFOM) field reporters gathered human rights violations cases through conducting interviews with local residents of the villages under the administration of Yebyu, Ye, and Thanbyuzayat townships. These villages include those that are situated on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island and nearby it, in Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division, and some in Ye Township, while most are lying along the highway of Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State.

The fact-findings in this report show that those residents from the villages mentioned above experience various human rights abuses: such as extortion, arbitrary taxation, forced labor, land confiscation, ill-treatment, sentry duty and obstructing village security in their daily life committed by local based government’s battalions and navy units.

Furthermore, it reveals that 10 years after the gas pipeline construction between Kanbauk and Myaing Kalay, villagers residing along the highway of Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township are still demanded to provide security fees for the gas pipeline, its sentry and duties of village security. Villagers have also had their lands seized and marked to be confiscated recently. Additionally our information unveils that the villagers are forced to give information of ethnic insurgency groups to local government officers and required to report every day even though no such groups travel by, or enter the villages. Consequently, these villagers have to leave their work behind as they have to report, and because they are unable to go to work, they face difficulties for their survival. In addition, the villagers living on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island not only have their land seized, but also have to provide the local based Navy Army with allowances for them to work on their own rubber and betel nut plantations and other long-term crops plantations. In addition, the villagers on the Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island and its surrounding villages have to provide woods and other materials for buildings of local based Burmese Army offices and barracks; yet those villagers are also charged to pay a large amount of money if they could not provide the woods.

HURFOM’s objectives are to document and report human rights violations cases, taken place mainly in three regions: Mon State, Karen State, and the Tenasserim Division, to promote human rights and lessen the chance of future violations. Thus far, HURFOM has found out that like in the periods of previous governments, the human rights violations are still committed by the government troops even though a National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is formed in Burma. Also, despite a new civilian-led government has been formed, Burma’s local residents do not see any signs of change in their villages. In fact, the villagers are facing human rights abuses more frequently by the government troops of the government that was inaugurated in, 2010, than during the time the government was led by Senior General Than Shwe.

In Burma, to show the signs of heading toward reforms, President Thein Sein has conducted many rounds of dialogues with pro-democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in addition to allowing her party the National League for Democracy (NLD) to take part in the upcoming by-elections and releasing a small number of political detainees.

On the afternoon of August 19, 2011, Burma’s President Thein Sein held the first talk with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi at his office in the Presidential Residence in Naypyidaw. People in the country hoped that the meeting would bring about changes and prominent development in political spheres. Suu Kyi and the president reportedly enjoyed a cordial conversation, though no details of the meeting were released by either site. Burmese state newspaper -The New Light of Myanmar – reported the meeting from a different angle: “The president and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi tried to find out the potential common grounds to cooperate in interests of the nation and the people putting aside different views.” However, the news report did not explore what “potential common grounds” were discussed.

Between July 25 and October 30 2011, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met government’s liaison minister U Aung Kyi four times. During her talks with the liaison minister, she revealed her widespread concerns about the recent conflicts in Kachin State, Shan State and Karen State. Whatever assurances she received, sceptic caution that the previous regime’s divide and rule tactic between minority ethnic groups and democratic forces will come back into play remain. Suu Kyi still believes that the regime will continue to exclude ethnic groups from the dialogue.

Despite minor reforms and the release of approximately four hundred political prisoners, a vast majority of Burma’s political prisoners remains detained. Here again, the government’s motive to release political prisoners is aligned with promoting international relations. Combined with the significant increase in human rights abuses by the Burmese Army, including the use of gang-rape against ethnic minority women and children, the outlook for genuine reform in Burma remains bleak.

“The release of political prisoners should be welcomed, but these releases are not enough to justify the lifting of any sanctions”, said Wai Hnin Pwint Thon. “Today is a day of joy for the families of those who have been released, but for many more, it is a day of sadness and disappointment, as their father, mother, husband, brother, or sister remains in jail. This is a reality check; change has not come to Burma yet.”

While many people deeply believe that the regime’s authorities are making remarkable steps implementing various forums posing as democracy advocates, spouting pipe-dream visions of approaching democracy through peaceful means, the government’s battalions shock-troops are violating the rights of ethnic minority groups in Kachin State, burning their villages and crops, making sure there is no peace in the homeland of ethnic Kachin.

As the result of the civil-war in the Kachin territory, an estimated 40,000 locals have been displaced in war-torn areas of Kachin State, but until Tuesday the Burmese government authorities had only allowed the UN World Food Program to distribute foods to the nearly 6,000 refugees in the government-controlled areas of Kachin State. Fighting in the region continues despite the reports that President Thein Sein, issued a written statement signed on Dec. 10 ordering Burmese army chief Gen. Min Aung Hlaing to halt military operations against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) except for self-defense purposes. The statement has not yet been publicly announced, but its existence was revealed to local journalists by the Kachin State chief minister at a fund-raising ceremony for Kachin war refugees.

There does not appear to be any current prospect of a formal ceasefire agreement between the KIA and the government troops because the KIA’s political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), has explicitly said that it is seeking a political dialogue with the goal of autonomy and will not accept Burma’s current parliamentary system dominated by former military generals under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, which they say includes only minimal rights for ethnic minority groups.

“We are not informed of the reported order by President Thein Sein to the army to hold attacks against us, but nonetheless the fighting will go on because the government army has already occupied a number of our military bases in its recent offensives and because we are yet to hold a true political dialogue with the government,” said by KIO/KIA spokesperson La Nan, adding that the Burmese army reinforced its troops in Myitkyina and Bhamo townships of Kachin State on December 12th, 2011.

On the other hand, the regime continues building dams which will adversely affect not only ethnic minority farmers, but farmers throughout the land. Land is still confiscated for pipelines & railways, which keep the stolen resources flowing out of the country, and agro-projects, which usually replace rice fields with non-edible cash crops.

The people in the communities in Mon State, Karen State and the Tenasserim Division under the government’s controlled areas have known that there was a change of government due to 2010’s elections and know well who won in the elections.  However, many of these people rural areas said there have been no changes in administrative system because the people still suffer from paying taxes, and the authorities are still corrupt.  Many types of human rights violations such as illegal taxation, extortion, forced labor and land confiscation have continued.

Many people in conflict zones and those that did not have the right to vote during the last election feel the situation remains the same. People are still displaced due to fighting and human rights violations.  Still many face problems in terms of getting food and trying to find stable sources of livelihood.

HURFOM has closely monitored what is happening in both conflict zones and non-conflict areas.  Its human rights workers in the field have traveled to various parts of Mon State, Karen State and the Tenasserim Division and interviewed local people to document human rights violations.

In many parts of Mon State and Karen State, the Burmese Army is still deploying their battalions close to villages and the local villagers are suffering from abuses by Burmese Army soldiers.

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the then-ruling military junta – the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) – instituted the ‘Four Cuts Policy’ (Pya Ley Pya in Burmese), that successfully undermined insurgent forces belonging to Karen and Mon political parties. While the agreement to a ceasefire between the New Mon State Party (NMSP) in 1995 officially ended the hostilities with the Burmese military junta, the ceasefire failed to guarantee the well-being of communities on the periphery of Mon territory. Due to the continued presence of insurgent Mon splinter factions and Karen armed units, the Burmese military government, reconstituted in 1989 as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) declared nearly 90 percent of the territory in northern Tenasserim Region and southern Mon State a ‘black area’ or a ‘free fire zone’, in which military units were given designated regions to carry out policies of extortion, seizing of goods and land, arrest, rape, torture, and even summary execution.

Since HURFOM’s inception, its field reporters have documented the extensive and continuous abuses committed by SPDC battalions against villagers, often regardless of the verifiable presence of insurgent forces. This number of insurgent groups’ presence in the area since the days of the ‘Four Cuts Policy’ have been few, and ever deceasing in number compared to the presence of Burmese army battalions. Currently active insurgent forces are predominantly the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), unknown Mon insurgent splinter groups (locally known as the Nai Hapwe group) and units from the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) Brigade No. 4 are periodically active in the area. The local Burmese Army units include LIBs[1] No. 282, No. 273, IBs No. 61, No. 31 and No. 409, coastal army units, Navy No. 43 which operates under Military Operation Management Command (MOMC) No. 8. These battalions have the capacity to field between 80 to 300 soldiers each at any one time.

The regions of focus in this report, southern Mon State and Northern Tenasserim Division, are geographically mostly comprised of mountainous and hilly terrain. This difficult terrain is a natural gift to armed insurgent groups desiring to hide from their enemies. However, while the area is home to an extremely high number of battalions, this is more due to government’s demand for security over the presence of the Kanbauk to Myaingkalay natural gas pipeline, which provides the military junta a significant income from foreign investment. According to analyses of the military movement in this area regarding the excessive positioning of military bases, issues surrounding pipeline security are the key causes behind the continuous commitment of human rights violations.

The industries of local rubber and betel-nut plantations, paddy fields and perennial fruit-orchards that employ local residents have been hit hard by the abuses documented in this report. HURFOM researchers have learned that 75% of these crops could not be harvested in the area due to travel restrictions ordered in the last two and a half months, according to the information gathered during interviews with residents. This research indicates that due to the severity of abuses, loss of crops and much needed income threatens a possible collapse of the areas’ agrarian economy.

Methodology

The majority of the facts in this report are based on field data collections conducted in Southern Mon State, in townships such as Thanbyuzayat and Ye, and in the Northern Tenasserim Division, such as northern Yebyu Township, Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island in which Navy Unit No. 43 began confiscating land in December 2010. In order to collect the evidence, five field reporters in two teams interviewed 38 subjects in 22 villages; these include 11 interviews from villages in Thanbyuzayat Township, 10 interviews from villages in Ye Township, and 7 interviews from Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island, northern Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division, southern Burma. This report also includes 4 interviews collected by telephone from farmers who were recently violated by money extortion regarding their owned land.

Due to area restrictions and security toll-gates set up by local government battalions, gathering data and directly asking questions to local farmers in the targeted areas were intensely difficult and in some cases members from local based Community Based Organization (CBO) assisted with important information that HURFOM felt added to the strength of this report. HURFOM also drew extensively on the knowledge of three local residents who helped with gathering information from individual incidents, background information, and confirmation on facts in the interviews as well as invaluable context and assistance in replying to targeted follow-up questions.

The people of southern Burma continue to live under a highly authoritarian military regime that is widely condemned for its serious human rights abuses. HURFOM field reporters have conducted interviews with villagers residing in the villages located between Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships. The following findings are voice files recorded from the villagers who are the witnesses and victims of human rights abuses committed in their areas. The majority of those who committed human rights abuses are local based battalion officers and their fellows. Their oppressing of local residents has not changed since human rights violations committed during the last’s government term. These voice-recorded files below are gathered from males and females from 14 villages.

Lives for the villagers living in Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships do not seem to have changed, even though signs of change have been cried out across the country under the administration of this new government. Instead, villagers face the same abuses, which are forced labor and extortion – charged as gas pipeline’s security fees that were also levied during the last government’s term.

The villagers in Wae-rat village are still charged with security fee of gas pipeline by Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 despite the aftermath of new civilian-led government installation.

“Now, many people believe that there are changes in the country in the phase of this new government. But, we, the villagers from our village still have to pay 15,000 Kyat to Thanbyuzayat based Burmese Army — Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62. That is the fee for gas pipeline security”, said by Nai Kyaw Moe (not real name), 55, from Wae-rat village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State.

Quoted below, a Karen person, 28, from Bae La-mu village, Ye Township, remarked what kind of changes are taking place in his region:

“It was announced that the country [‘s government] would move to reform and changes in a right direction after the 2010 general elections. But, now the year 2011 is almost over and nothing changed in our region that shows reform. Yet, one thing has changed, that is the ‘name’ [of local based government offices]. Before, the local authorities demanded us to call them District Peace and Development Council (DPDC), Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC), and Village Peace and Development Council (VPDC). But now we’re required to call District Administration (DA), Township Administration (TA), and Village Administration (VA). This is what has been changed so far,” remarked by A Karen villager, 28, from Bae La-mu village, Ye Township, Mon State.

The Burmese Army still charges security fees of the gas pipeline and forces villagers to go on sentry in the villages situated between the railway and highway of Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township, during this civilian government’s term. According to U Htun Hla (not real name), a Mae Paw villager, the villagers in his village are still demanded by Burmese Army Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 to pay the security fees and to carry out sentry duties. And, from the same battalion, two groups are formed and one group comes to collect the fees while another group orders the villagers to go on sentry.

“Now, the village where I live is located between the railway and highway linking Ye Township to Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State. There are 10 villages in total lying nearby Wae Ka-mee, Ah-nin, and Kyaung Ywae villages situated between the high-way of Ye-Thanbyuzayat. Those villages are located right along the Kanbauk to Myaing Kalay gas pipeline. For the security of the gas pipeline, we the villagers are demanded by the Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 led by Major Tin Maung Htun to go on sentry in turn. Like before, those who can’t guard the pipeline have to pay; each household has to pay 1,000s – 15,000 kyat. Sometimes, we have to be guards while we also have to pay fees for pipeline security. There is one group giving orders to us to go on sentry, and there is another group collecting money for pipeline security. So, two groups were made from IB No.62. What I meant here is that we as villagers who have no power are affected for two reasons. We cannot go to our work but we are used as free laborers for them. And, we have to take our saved money to pay them as they demanded. So, nothing changes; it is just the same as before,” said by U Htun Hla.

U Htun Hla is 52 years old and he is working on rubber plantation. HURFOM conducted an interview with him on November, 22, in Mae Paw village, Thanbyuzayat Township.

Local Area Security and Abuses

That is not only what villagers have faced as a result of the constructed the gas pipeline, but they also have faced many other abuses committed by government troops guarding the gas pipeline. The following is an incomplete list of what the Burmese Army has demanded of villagers:

• They [Burmese Army] order villagers to go on sentry for the security of gas pipeline.
• They order villagers to patrol the villages (in addition to guarding the gas pipeline)
• They demanded villagers to pay security fees to those who ordered them to pay. And if these villagers cannot guard designated areas themselves, they have to compromise by paying fees.
• They demanded villagers to support village militia troops and to provide the troops with rations.
• They use villagers guides if they get informed about the insurgency groups ( while sometimes these villagers are used as guides, sometimes this task implies being a human shield for Burma Army troops).
• They order the villagers to carry the army’s rations.
• They steal fruit, vegetables, and livestock of villagers.
• They ask villagers about insurgent groups and ask whether these villagers have contacts with insurgent groups when they are on the front line heading into jungle eastern of Ye Township. (If the villagers do not know about that or do not have any contact with, they are asked by them whatever they want and then blamed. And, if the villagers are males they will be used as porters besides taking over what they, the troops, wanted)
• When villagers are in the frontline, those who living in the countryside along the way where they [the Burmese battalion’s troops] are heading to are verbally abused. Those local people are the young girls and married women from the families of Mon, Karen, and other ethnic people. Sometimes, they are questioned about rebels, and they are even asked questions concerned with sexuality, causing shyness.
• They told off those local people who cannot speak Burmese well, and they look down and discriminate them.
• They beat up and torture local people.

Those abuses continue to be committed by government troops just like before and those are the ongoing abuses. This account above was remarked by U Thar Myint Aye, former member of VPDC committee, and he is from Ka-nin Ka-maw village, Ye Township, Mon State.

Human Rights Abuses in Bal La-muu and Ka-nin Ka-maw villages, Ye Township

The interviews conducted with two villagers as shown below reveal that although the new civilian-led government has been installed and steps of changes have startled in the country, the villagers do not see any signs of change in their region. Rather, they face some human rights abuses committed by the government’s battalions. Due to the ongoing human rights abuses, they urge the ministers from President Thein Sein’s administration and respective regions and townships to come and monitor those abuses.

Bellow, a 42 year old Karen villager from Bal La-muu, Ye township, Mon State, describes what kind of abuses the villagers have to face and how they have to respond if they can not provide information required by the government’s battalion :

“Last August and September, when LIB No. 591 and LIB No.583 based in Kyaung Ywae village merged with IB No.61 based in Ye town, they staged an operation to drive KNLA battalion No. 16 and No. 18 away. While doing this, they abused villagers by using these villagers as porters and as human shields. The LIBs and IBs would arrest people for no reason and, as punishment, abuse them in the ways that I just mentioned. They would also order villagers around to inform them about rebel groups. If people did not know anything about rebel groups, they would be charged by paying bags of rice, bottles of cooking oil and livestock. That is what has changed; people are still charged with crimes they did not commit. There have not been any changes. Like before, locals are still forced to be laborers and are still oppressed,”

As an observer of political issues and the military situation in his region, U Kyaw Hlaing (not real name), 60, gives his opinion and describes how military men have more influence than the government and how the locals are suffering:

“My opinion is that, in this region, the military government is more influential than the civilian government. U Thein Sein’s government and respective region and township ministers should see the oppressions made by the troops and monitor this.  Claims about positive changes don’t have any value, as they are not real. That is what the politicians talk about, they say things as “There are changes in the country; we are heading to a path of reform”, I think they are just dreams. In reality, like before, we are still oppressed. And then, our life which has been stamped gets torn apart. That is how the government troops have oppressed us. If the army does not suppress or cause us to suffer, we would not suffer. We do not want to see our people abandon their homes and lands and go aboard to work as slaves.”

U Kyaw Hlaing is 60 years old and he is from Kyaung Ywae village but lives in Ka-nin Ka-maw village.

Ma Hla Than [not real name], 30, who is a Mon villager living in Ah-Nin village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State, remarked the human rights violations that are taking place in his village and its neighboring village:

“Now, the sentry for gas pipeline security, fee for security, measuring lands and selling the lands after taking over have started happening in Wae Ka-mee village and Ah-nin village. This started last August.”

A Wae Taw villager, 40, whom sells lottery tickets to make a living, explained how land is surveyed and measured by managers and government staff of an unknown company from the department of the Land measurement and Survey Department:

“Uncultivated lands and virgin soils are sold by the government to different companies. This land is divided into plots and sold by the company to local residents. We saw that the company managers and staff came with their cars to do surveys and measured the land from end of August tothe second week of September. The government staff from Land Measurement and Survey Department came to measure the land. I do not know what that company is,”

An interview with Nai Thein Myint [not real name], 67 from Thanbyuzayat, shows how land intends to be seized in Ah-nin village:

“I have lived here my entire life. How can there be uncultivated lands and virgin soils here? We have lived our whole lives farming these lands and plantations. Those lands have just been left about 3 to 4 years without cultivating them as the owners face difficulties for their survival. And, since they do not have enough money to invest, they cannot afford cultivating their lands. To keep working on the land, the owners have to hire labors and buy fertilizers. Yet, they invest more money on the products they need to cultivate their land than the profit they get from their land. Additionally, as landowners, we get extorted by Burmese Army troops, so that is why we just leave our lands without cultivating. And, we heard that now, the government and company owners will come to take over the lands. If they take over, the owners will definitely fall apart. These companies will also measure fourteen acres of my daughter’s. She is very frustrated and depressed. That is what happens here now. No one knows when they will come to confiscate our lands yet. But, we are sure that someone in the name of the government will seize our lands.” In regards to the new government Nai Thein Myint mentioned that “We know that there is a new unjust government installed but like I said earlier, there is no positive change and reform,”

A villager, 36, working as a Karen literature and culture teacher in Wae Ka-mee village, Ye Township, Mon State described how his ethnic people have faced sufferings, rights abuses, injustice, and oppressions and no changes promoting human rights have been taken place yet:

“If we look back since the nationwide elections and ask how the government troops have oppressed us – the Karen people, the questions can be answered by Wae Lay villagers as witnesses [and victims]. Today still, human rights abuses are still happening. Like what my cousin faced, many other Karen people were degraded by government’s troops said. We would hear: “You are Karen people born as rebels whom for us to kill” and mentally and physically suffered, before getting killed, by the Burmese troops. That is what happened after the elections. We Karen people are the ones that are suffering the most abuses committed in the armed conflicts compared to other ethnic groups. It is also true that Mon people have suffered by losing their businesses. But, regarding deaths, we Karen people suffer more. However, if we look back, we will see that the news spreading in Naypyidaw and Rangoon is about positive political changes. The only positive changes are in theory, but not in real life. We are just like “the sand was poured into water. And, yes, there will be visible if water was poured in the sand.” Now, we will only recognize changes if there is no injustice and oppression inflicted by the government troops even if these troops say they are part of a new government or democratic government.”

While the vast majority of the villages in the region faced multiple instances of gross human violations, such as forced labour, land confiscation, money and properties extortion, torture by accusation as rebels, at least eleven villages in southern Mon State and northern Tenasserim Division have faced abuses by the SPDC army, including forced portering and forced labor on the construction of a village fence, as well as day and night security duty. The fencing project around these affected villages is compounds designed to entirely encircle the village, an unusual order compared to previous demands for fence construction that required only partial fence construction. The apparent aim of the battalions that issued these orders is to separate each village from outside contact not made through any of army controlled gates. Local residents are forced to construct this project using wood pillars, bamboo, iron nails, gathered with their own time, money and resources.

Villagers from rubber and betel nuts plantations, paddy fields and fisheries who often cannot afford to pay their way out of the work due to their already hand to mouth subsistence income, have little choice in following orders given. Forced portering and labour undermines villagers’ ability to survive by not only forcing them to work without compensation, using their own resources to feed them, but more significantly taking them away from their own work that normally provides for their own livelihoods. Villagers who refuse or are unable to filly these duties are punished severely, ranging from heavy fines, and instance that the work is filled, to heavy fines and arrest, or torture. Nan Myint Wai, a resident of Wae Kha-mee village, Southern Thanbyuzayat Township expressed her opinion regarding on the current ongoing human rights violations in her areas.

 “If I have to tell, there is at least one abuse case committed by Burmese troops to villagers residing in this village track since the new government was installed. The abuses committed in this area are forced labor, porter, land confiscation, extortion; go for sentry duties, fee for security forces, and sentry for gas pipeline; serving unpaid work at the battalions’ bases, beaten-up, and accusation as rebels. Sometimes, villagers from our village faced those abuses while sometimes our neighbors did as well as we ourselves encountered those abuses. It happens like that. ….. They just become civil militia. Local authorities are just changed. What I want to say is that there are still injustices and oppressions going on in this area. I see nothing changes. I can say that the government troops are still practicing those kinds of abuses and the abuses are ongoing,” recited by Nan Myint Wai.

Nan Myint Wai (not a real name),38, a former middle-school teacher, Ye Township, Mon State.

Most of the local villagers expressed that they wanted to see the genuine peace in the country and stop civil war targeted to ethnic armed groups. Many of them have been suffering from the armed conflicts painfully.

“There will be real changes in our area, if both armed groups established peaces and there are no more Burmese troops in the region. We only consider the changes if there are no oppressions committed by the government troops like what they have done to us before. If that change really happens, there will be no such difficulties/sufferings in this region,” said by Saw Aung Tin (not real name), 39.

Saw Aung Tin is a Karen villager, and he is from Set-kaw village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State.

Forced to provide the Information of rebel armed groups’ movements to government troops

The local residents from Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships are forced to provide information of rebel armed groups to government troops. Because the residents are said to be given any relevant punishments if they do not inform or report to the troops, they have to abandon their work and find the information to provide.

“Just like this; we have to leave our work behind and we, every villager, have to inform [about rebel groups to government’s troops]. Now, we have to inform more often. It is nonsense: if we think that we still have to report to them when there is no rebel group is around. We have to report them every day, and if we do not do so, we’ll be punished with related punishment types. Because they frighten to us like that, we have to put our work aside and report them,”

“To have access to information about unusual and insurgents’ activities from people”, that is one of the policies used by the government army in Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships. That policy is one of the policies causing abuses to local people and it has been used for a long time. But, just like before – no changing, they still use it even though the new civilian government has installed.

That is the order from the battalions under Military Operation Management Command (MOMC) No. 19. The order requires every household in every village to report in turn daily whether or not the troops from the Karen National Union (KNU) brigade No. 6, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and Nai Khin Maung led Mon splinter group, are being active in the region. Organized by the respective village administration members, the villagers have to provide the information to local based battalion offices prior to 5 PM.  After gathering the information, they have to come to offices and report verbally or provide written report about whether they opposed armed groups travel by, collect extortion fees, buy rations, get medical treatments, and come to visit their relatives.

Ordering the villagers to do this, the government troops can avoid the danger of attacks by opposed armed groups and save their personals.

However, if the villagers are unable to report, the troops will find fault with them and as a punishment, they charge the villagers with money or food supplies. The local residents criticize that the government troops are not active in the local areas during this new (civilian) government administration.

Nevertheless, if we look back on the effects that they face after being forced to work, we can see that villagers have to put aside their work, which they depend on for their survival. Additionally, they have to provide information, by writing reports in Burmese after gathering information obtained while asking others for help with translating. And, they are found fault by the office authorities when they come to report the news verbally [expressed in spoken words]. They have to provide money or food supplies if they cannot report when that’s their turn, not to be blamed, and they have to face the punishment given by rebel armed groups anytime. Those are facts collected from the local residents through interviews.

Local residents expressed that in general, even though we can deduce that the whole country is heading to the path of reform, if we look closely and observe carefully, we can see that the government’s troops are still committing human rights abuses.

HURFOM’s field reporters collected information finding the following facts from early October to late November. Local residents living in several villages located in Ye and Thanbyuzayat townships were forced to provide information. HURFOM conducted 14 interviews from 21 Karen and Mon villages and HURFOM documented their stories and accounts.

“Including our village headman and representative, the village headmen and representatives from 21 other villages located along the highway from Thanbyuzayat to Ye, were invited by tactic Captain Tin Maung Cho and his men to attend the meeting on October 29. The meeting was about how local residents have to report any news – weather they find it significant or not – of rebel armed groups that are active in southern, eastern, and northeastern Ye Township to [the closest] local based [government troops] office. The villagers have to report the news in person. All villagers from the 21 villages, attended the meetings held by their respective heads and representatives, and were told to provide news in turn,” remarked by grandpa Saw Htuu, 62, from Hnin Sone village, Ye Township.

“MOMC No. 19’s tactic No. 2 Captain Tin Maung Cho currently based in LIB No. 343 based close to Ahruu Taung village, Ye Township. Including the village head and members of the Village Administration (VA) from the Hnin Sone village tract, the village heads and VA members from other villages, had a meeting with the Captain his men, and every villager, of which all had to report about rebel armed groups. At the meeting, it was said that it is the responsibility of villagers to report. If the villagers can not report about their enemies to them daily, these villagers have to face punishments. Also, if the information they report is false, they will be punished more,” said by a VA member, who attended the meeting and serves villages that are predominantly Karen in La-mine Sub-township, Ye Township.

“I think, during this new government period, the villagers are forced to work much more than during the last government. Now, whether the villagers got news or not, they have to report. This leads to villagers with a high function in society, such as leaders to lose faith in the system. Before, we typically report unusual news to them. Now, it is not just unusual news, but the villagers have to provide news just like daily reports. It is good for the villagers to report when that’s their turns after observing two days ahead. For us, the village headman has to inform the villagers if that day is their turn, help write the report in Burmese and help them with anything. As I have to do this every day, it affects our livelihood. Now, it has affected us a lot; I do not have time to go work in my orchard,” said by the VA member.

Because three villagers whose failed to report during their turns about one unit from KNLA, when battalion No. 16 came to Bee-kain village to buy food supplies and tools for communication, those villagers were beaten up and demanded to pay fines. This account is given by Nai Yin [pseudonym], 48, a Mon villager, working as orchard worker, from Hnin Sone village, on Nov.22.

“On that day I went to Bee-kain village to sell my oxen, and I heard from the villagers that tree villagers were beaten up by troops from LIB No. 343. I forgot to ask the names of those villagers. I heard that those villagers are 30 – 50 years old and they work in betel nut and rubber plantations. The troops already got news that the Karen armed groups came to buy foods and batteries to use for communication devices. The villagers got hit and beaten up. One of the three villagers, got some of his teeth broken and got his head cracked. That is because the villagers did not provide this news in the report. And, as punishment, they were detained for one night and in the next morning; their families and the Bee-kait village headman came to get them in exchange for 50000 Kyat. That is what I heard from a Bee-kain village family when I went there to sell my oxen. In our village, we also have to report in turn, but no one has faced abuse like this, yet. And, we, the villagers, could not go for work.

According to Kalate Taung village head Saw Tar Sal, MOMC No. 19’s tactic No. 2 Captain Tin Maung Cho himself said at a meeting that if the government troops and KNU’s troops engaged in fighting around the village, the villagers from that village have to move out of the village.

“At a meeting concerned about local security, when I present to him [Capt. Tin Maung Cho] “if the villagers still have to report even though there is no news, it will cause villagers unable to go for work, and please think about that for us.” He replied “Whenever the rebel groups are active in this area, the villagers have to provide the news. And, if there is a fight between the enemy and our troops, you, the villagers, have to move out the village.” I think, that was on October 12. Being a village head, I have to face a lot of trouble. Although the government has been changed, the system of governing our region has not changed. It is just like before. Now, regarding this case, it’s worse,” said by the village head.

According to an interview conducted on Nov. 28, with Saw Kyi Khin, 35, who is a Bin Kalwae villager has reported news three times, thus far. He has reported about KNU troops and other insurgency groups. Reporting to the government, may have exempted him from facing mistreatment inflicted by the government. However, Saw Kyi Khin now fears for his safety, as he is rightfully frightened of insurgency groups.

“I just have to report information as I’m afraid of government troops. No one knows whether insurgency groups forgive us for reporting about them to government troops. Most of the KNU troops know the government troops’ members. They may understand us and why we inform the government. But, the Mon splinter group, led by Nai Khin Maung, will kill us, if he finds out that we have been informing the government. They will probably think that we are the government troops’ informants. That is why I’m afraid. Beside me, there are also lots of villagers who are worried about this and afraid but they have to work [provide the info]. Also, we can not go to our job when we want, we are too scared.”

Below is the list of villages that are located along the highway that links Ye to Thanbyuzayat townships. And, the villagers in those villages are forced to report about the government army’s opposed armed groups.

1. Hnin Sone village
2. Bin Ka-lwon villge
3. Tabin Taing village
4. Kon Duu village
5. Sar Ka-lae village
6. Kalea Dop village
7. Kalea Taung village
8. Bee Kain village
9. Min Hla Aye village
10. Thu Lae village
11. Thee Pow Muu village

Below is the list of villages under Wae Ka-mee village track, Thanbyuzayat Township, where the IB No.62 is based. And, the villagers from those villages have to not only pay the fee of pipeline security but also report daily.

1)     Bay Lamine village

2)     Aung Tha-byay village

3)     Wae Ka-mee village

4)     Wae Taw village

5)     Pain Naetaw village

6)     Inn Ka-bar village

7)     Ywae Tar Aye village

8)     Nga-pyaw Taw village

9)     Lainmaw Chan village

10) Payar Kon village

11) Aung Taryar village.

Seized rubber plantations near Lae Gyi and Maw Gyi villages

The villagers have to pay local based battalions the fees for them to be allowed to work on their own rubber plantations, betel nut plantations, and other long-term crop plantations. Before, there were records of villagers that could work on their plantations for one year as they gave the amount of one year of fees. But, later on, because there were no records made by the battalions and because of their carelessness, the newly-transferred battalions extorted land owners with fees and allowances again for them to work on their lands during their [newly-moved battalions’] periods.

“We have to pay the Captains 10,000 Kyat for permits to work on our rubber plantations. All of us have to pay the fees; for example, to get permit for our 3 sons and 2 hired workers to work on our 8 acres rubber plantation, we have to pay 50,000 Kyat for each person. Before, we had to pay the fee to Commander Htun Tet Naing and his group for a one year permit, and they gave us a permit [letter] to work. But, later, we found out that that permit is not valid for one year. We paid the fee in early May, but we are charged again 7 months later. They shut down that project again. And, now the newly arrived Captain Myit Oo and his group said the permit letter is not valid anymore. If we, as the villagers, want to keep working on our plantations, we have to register for permission again. This happened yesterday morning (November 26) when the order came. How can I repay that fee? Now, we are not allowed to tap our rubber plantations anymore,” mentioned Ko Khin Shwe, 40, who depends on his rubbers and betel nut plantations for survival.

Ko Khin Shwe’s native place is Yebyu Town, but now he lives near Lae Gyi village, and HURFOM field reporter conducted an interview with him on November 27.

The villagers living in Lae Gyi, Maw Gyi, and Min Tar villages and on the island of Kywe Thon Nyi Ma own thousands of acres of rubber trees, betel nuts, and other year long fruits plantations. These villagers are charged large amounts of money by locally based Navy Army No.43 and LIB No. 282 and No. 273 under the command of Kadike based government navy regional command to get permitted to work on their plantations. Yet, besides extorting local land owners with large sums of money for permits to work on their own lands, the Navy has also confiscated numerous acres of lands.

Last June-July, HURFOM released a report about thousands of the acres of rubber plantation owned by local villagers, who heavily depended on the plantations for their livelihoods, were seized by Kadike based Navy No. 43 for expansion of their bases. Also, in addition to land seizure, the navy marked other over 3000 acres of rubber trees and betel nut plantations, belonging to locals. These navy and army troops charged 10,000 Kyat per plantation owner, while they demanded the whole family of plantation to pay 30,000 Kyat for the permission of working on their own plantations.

“To get a permit to work, we the whole family has to pay 30,000 Kyat. Recording 4 persons are able to work; they give that permit [letter]. We have to pay them for us to tap our own rubber trees. We are all here though that they recorded the lists of and accounts of the land owners and kept them away as they produced permits. Now, as the Captain and Commander that produced the permits moved away, the permits are not valid anymore (since November).  As we have to register for the permit again, it costs us again. Before, we owned over 30 acres of rubber plantation. But, earlier of this year, the navy took over 12 acres of the plantation. Yet, of the remaining 18 acres, we only have rubber trees left in 12 acres. And we are working on those remaining acres by paying allowances [taxes]. How can we pay the allowances to them over and over again? We are now in difficulties. Now, the government has changed but here in our village, no one comes to change anything and the situation is worse than before. As we could hardly save for our survival, and we have to pay the government, it is just that if we cannot pay, we cannot work,” recounted by Ko Htun Naing (not real name), 44, from Min Thar village, Yebyu Township.

Ko Nyan Phay who has to pay  to work on his own plantation describes how locally owned rubber plantations were seized, and how he and other plantations owners have to pay for permission of working on their rubber plantations, explains their situation as follows:

“To tap our own rubber plants and to work on our own plantation, we – the villagers had to pay money to the government army units.  If you don’t believe this, please come and stay here for a month.  People from other regions can’t imagine as they have never encountered it.  We became slaves of the army a long time ago.  We know via the news and radios that the military government has already transited to a civilian government, but I would like to mention that nothing has changed here.  This is because my land and plantation in this region, which were plots of land handed down by my family from one generation to the next, were confiscated by the local army units No. 282 and No. 273 and the Navy Unit No. 43 based on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island.  Before confiscation, they said the land would be used for constructing military bases and the State needed the land.  Now, the State does not use the land, but the captains and majors from the army units occupy our land,” said Ko Nyan Phay.

“Between ten and thirty-thousand Kyat had to be paid to get permits to work on our own plantations that are controlled by the Burmese Army.  Last July, my wife and I had already paid twenty-thousand Kyat. This November, they (Kywe Thone Nyi Ma based Navy Unit No. 43) demanded money again.  Now they said that if we are unable to pay (the money), our permit can’t be extended and our plantation will automatically be confiscated.  Therefore, we had to loan two thousand kyat for the payment.  This process means that our land is already confiscated and only a work permit was sold to us.  You can imagine how our situation is miserable.  Our Lae-Gyi Village has over 380 houses and almost every household works for the rubber or betel nut business.  If two people per household work on these plantations, you can estimate how much money the army units earn,” he continued.

Ko Nyan Phay is a 46-year-old Lae-Gyi village resident, and his family depends on rubber plantation for survival.  In the early May, Ko Nyan Phay’s 4-acre betel nut plantation and 8-acre-plus rubber plantation were put on the list of land confiscation by the locally based joint army units of Coastal Regional Command – Navy Unit No. 43, LIB No. 282 and 273 for expending the military.  After that, the villagers, including Ko Nyan Phay, who had their rubber plantations confiscated, have been paying the money to the army to gain the work permit.  The work permit is just a small piece of paper and includes the official stamp of the particular army unit in charge of a designated area.  Ko Nyan Phay and all other villagers said that the mark could clearly not show the annual fee or the monthly fee arranging to be able to demand as they like.

Having to pay many kinds of extortions, such as fees for village security, army rations, local militia member welfare, and permits for working on the plantations for many years in the periods led by this and the former government, many villagers have faced financial difficulties and had no chances to sustain themselves. Therefore, those villagers want to bring an end to those extortions

“We, ordinary villagers, have no money to feed ourselves.  We have to earn money to pay Burmese Army troops.  We have been paying large amounts of money for village security fees, rations fees, local militia welfare fees and permission fees to go to plantations for a specified number year. We still have to pay now, during the rule of the new government.  We want to stop these events.  That’s all we wish,” cited by Nai Htaw Ong (not real name).

As mentioned by Nai Htaw Ong, a Mon villager of over 60 years old. He is a Han-Gam resident, but he now lives in the South part of Moe-Gyi Village. In an interview with HURFOM, November, 28, he explained how he has financially been extorted in many ways by the local government army units.

On November 3, 2011, in order to construct military barracks and offices in the confiscated land on Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island, Yebyu Township, money or wood from the villagers of Kywe Thone Nyi Ma and six other surrounding villages were demanded.  Colonel Ye Linn Tun of Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island based Navy Unit No. 43 and Deputy Commander Minn Zaw Moe ordered, via particular village administrators, the villagers of over 1,000 houses from six villages – Lae-Gyi, Moe Gyi, Min Thar, Kywe Thone Nyi Ma, Ye Ngan Gyi and Sinswe, to purchase woods and construction materials or to pay the money if they could not do the purchasing.  Therefore, the collection of extorted money has started on November 11, 2010 and has not ended yet, according to the locals.  The demand of woods had happened at the same time as the human rights violations such as collecting money for work permits and village security fees.

“It was ordered that each household had to pay a long or a plant of wood or three wood poles.  The order was accepted in the early of November.  The village headman reminded (the villagers) on the 9^th (of the November) if they had already collected the wood demanded by the Burmese Army.  When the wood was collected, they would be sent (to the army units) via the village headmen.  We had to give a piece of wood, with a 4-inch diameter and a length of 13-feet, which we reserved to repair our house. Additionally three 4×3-inch wood poles which were stored under our house had to be given to the army.

All these pieces of wood together will cost about thirty thousands kyat.  Moreover, the regular fees we have to pay are thirty-thousand Kayt for our work-permits, for four persons, which were initially ten thousand kyat per head.  However, the fee was lowered by the army unit,so four people had to pay thirty thousand kyat instead. We also had to pay a three thousand kyat fee to hire a village security guard who will replace me when my term is over, and we have to pay one thousand kyat per month for the welfare of local militia.  Captain Min Zaw Moe ordered the village headman to list the households who didn’t pay the fees.  Recognizing the speech of that captain, I paid the fee early ‘to make my ear peaceful’ (a Mon saying that means ‘to be freed from having problems’). My family could make our livelihood and live comfortably in the past, before Navy Unit No. 43 confiscated over half of our plantation at the beginning of this year.  Moreover, we have to pay the money to get permission to work on the rest of the 10-acre rubber plantation, as a result we have become the poor now,” said Nai Htun Aye (not real name), a 50-year-old resident of East Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Villlage.

In the interview with HURFOM at the end of November, Nai Htun Aye explained how he lived in fear, yet solved the problem where he was forced to supply wood for construction of military barracks and offices of the government Navy unit.

Villagers, from Kywe Thone Nyi Ma and its surrounding villages – Min Thar, Lae-Gyi, Moe Gyi, Ye-Ngan Gyi and Sin-swe villages, are disappointed and dissatisfied with the wood demand unfairly required by the navy.

Most of the available wood in that region is of rubber trees; however the government army units do not accept this sort of wood. Even though the quality of this type of wood is low, it can be used for construction, stated in the written order of the Navy read by the village administrators, according to Ma Htay Win (not real name), a 32-year-old Min Thar resident and a shopkeeper.

“Only rubber wood is available for us and people in our village.  Other types of wood we are not allowed to cut down, nor are they available here.  All people have to struggle for their livelihoods so the people from rich households just paid extortion fees.  Our aunt had paid twenty eight thousand kyat in cash for a wooden pole, wooden planks, or three long wood poles to village headman Nai Aye and he signed to confirm the payment.  We were unable to pay in cash as we had other such fees to pay to ensure our security, to allow us to work, and to pay towards welfare of militia.  We struggle to feed our family so we were disappointed by this order.  We have been abused many times.  We want these abuses to stop quickly.  I don’t know when these abuses will disappear from our region.”

In February 2011, Ko Lwin, the husband of Ma Htay Win, who is a Tavoyan and resident of Long-Lone Township, was beaten by Sergeant Zaw Htet Lwin and his group of frontline soldiers of military column No. 282, who accused that he was an informer who connected with the rebels.  His mandible was cracked and he could not eat foods for months.  He lost his watch during the event and fifty thousand kyat had to be spent for his escape.  Ma Than Than Htay explained the abuses of the local army units.

The pile of wood collected by the villagers from 220 houses in Min Thar Village in order to please the demands of Navy Unit No. 43 could be seen nearby the village administrative office. The pile of wood consisted of various sizes and shapes of wood and the locals estimated that it weighed about 20 tons.

“In reality, all demands to construct things for the military were said to be for the State, in particular for its captains and commanders.  In the proposal, the map of the land where military constructions were built are signed by officials of the Land Survey Department.  In the army, the cost of the sketch and small samples (of the construction) drafted by military engineers’ unit was also proposed.  Therefore, the wood or money collected from civilians would go into the pockets of the officials and commanders when the proposed budget was granted.  The army has abused us villagers with the powerful ranks in society, just because they wanted to get loads of money while not working for it.  I had encountered a similar event at an army unit in my hometown– Yebyu-Kanbauk-based LIB No. 273.  In any army unit, chief commanders, commanders, and officials who have much power are really frightening.  That’s my own experience,” explained a former soldier who ran away from a frontline battle of the SPDC government army unit No. 273 and now lives in a refugee camp on the Thai-Burma border.

Because wood is scarce in the region and newly-cut wet woods were not accepted, most households planned to pay cash instead of wood to still meet the demand of wood requested by militia.  Interviews with these households were collected in the late November, 2011.  “There is always a fine to be paid and fees to pay at any given time, and this is very expensive”, grumbled Daw Nyo, a 57-year-old widow and mother of five, who resides in Lae-Gyi Village.  Even on November 27 when her interview was taken, she had to pay thirty thousand kyat to the village administration team for the fee of a wooden log, a plank, or three wood poles demanded by the government Navy Unit No. 43.

Nai Shwe Hla (not real name), a 50-year-old Min Thar resident, who owns a passenger boat mentioned that his boat might be seized if he will not carry wood piles in his village even though he had already paid a fee to pay off his debt.

“During the period of forced labor demanded by the Own-pin-kwin-based Danyawaddy Navy Command, my boat was seized to transport villagers and laborers.  The military said they would just take my boat for three days but it lasted for two weeks.  I had to use my labor and my own petrol but gained nothing.  Now, I can imagine that my boat might be seized for transportation (of this wood) and both I and my boat have to struggle with those giant blocks of wood.”

It is obvious that the residents from the three townships of Yebyu, Ye, and Thanbyuzayat are still facing human rights abuses in their daily life. These human rights abuses include, but are not limited to; extortion/arbitrary taxation, forced labor, ill-treatment, sentry duty, and fees to provide village security. These abuses are common in those three townships, and are committed by the local based government’s battalions and navy.

The findings in this report reveal that the locals are forced to continue to provide the security fees of the gas pipeline, guarding duties for the security of gas pipeline and act as safeguards for village security. Additionally these villagers are victims of forced labor and extortion/arbitrary taxation by the government’s troops and navy forces. Their actions have led to extreme hardships for the villagers, who are unable to work or not permitted to work on their own lands without if they do not have work permits, and continue to struggle for their livelihoods. Additionally, as they are also demanded to present/report to the local based government offices with information about the movements of ethnic insurgency groups, they are worried that they will face the dangerous situations or death caused from knowing the position of these groups.

In the interviews conducted with the local residents, it shows that the villagers face human rights abuses more frequently by the government’s troops under the administration of this new government than by government troops during the last government’s term. Also, in spite of the exclaim of signs of change taking place in the Burma, local residents experience no such change in their regions yet, except a change of names of locally operated government offices.

In addition, the National Human Rights Commission is established in the country with a task of promoting and safeguarding fundamental rights of the country’s citizens. Despite of its proclaim, in reality, it fails to accomplish the competence and responsibilities which include stopping human rights violations, investigating and monitoring them and taking action for the prevention and lessen the violations.

It is clear that despite the transition to new supposedly civilian-led government and the formation of National Human Rights Commission, the human rights abuses continue to occur throughout those three townships. Consequently, the villagers can only expect more of the same sufferings, hardships, and human rights abuses.

1. We want UN Special Rapporteurs to reach into ethnic areas, to investigate past human rights violations and notice how the human rights continue to be systematically violated.
2. Burma (Myanmar) National Human Rights Commission must actively record cases of human rights violations from its citizens and protect its victims.  All human rights victims must be protected after they report their cases.
3. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) must train local people how to correctly and systematically administer cases of human rights violations.

This report is titled “Coercion, Cruelty and Collateral Damage: An assessment of grave violations of children’s rights in conflict zones of southern Burma”, and it is released by the Woman and Child Rights Project (WCRP), which was founded in 2000 by members of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) to monitor and protect the rights of women and children in southern Burma. The 24-page report reveals that grave violations of children’s rights such as recruitment of child soldiers, killing and maiming, rape and sexual abuse, and forced labor continue to be committed by the Burmese military, despite the creation, by the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) resolution 1612 on Children and Armed Conflict passed in 2005.Download report as PDF [2.1MB]

Research by the Women and Child Rights Project (WCRP) has demonstrated that grave violations of children’s rights continue to occur in southern Burma despite the creation, by the United Nations, of the Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (MRM) pursuant to United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1612 on Children and Armed Conflict passed in 2005.

The Burmese government has failed to meet the time-bound action plan under Resolution 1612, demonstrated by the fact that WCRP researchers found numerous accounts of ‘grave violations’ under United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1612 on children and armed conflict. These violations, committed by Burmese soldiers against children in southern Burma, include recruitment of child soldiers, killing and maiming, rape and sexual abuse, and forced labor. Though the Burmese government agreed to the implementation of a monitoring and reporting mechanism (MRM), pursuant to Resolution 1612, to report on instances of these grave violations, WCRP has found that abuses have continued unabated since 2005.

The data detailed below provide evidence of widespread and systematic abuses, the vast majority of which were committed by soldiers from the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military. These confirmed cases of grave violations, taken from just 15 villages in two townships, committed over a period of 5 years, suggest that the Burmese government has failed to live up to its obligations under international law to protect children during situations of armed conflict. Limitations imposed by the Burmese government on the UN country team has made it difficult for them to receive, or verify, accounts of grave violations, in turn preventing the MRM from making a noticeable impact on the continued widespread abuse of children in southern Burma. WCRP’s data strongly suggests that the real numbers of abuses against children is vastly greater than officially recognized.

Additionally, despite the fact that WCRP’s primary research covered only the period from 2005 through November 2010, recent updated reports suggest that all of the violations documented by WCRP have continued to occur over the course of the past year. Despite the political changes that may be underway in Naypyidaw, children in areas where armed conflict is ongoing continue to suffer grave violations. Thus, the international community must take further action to ensure that the MRM can effectively protect the rights of Burma’s children and realize the objective put forth in Resolution 1612, an end to the grave violations of children’s rights.

On 25th, September, 2011, four villagers were kidnapped by an unknown Mon rebel group and taken to Lort Taing village, where soldiers from columns No. 1 and 2 of the government LIB No.282 attacked in a surprise ambush. As a result of the sudden attack, two of the kidnapped villagers were killed, and one rebel and another villager were seriously wounded.

Lort Taing village is located near Kyauk Ka Din, Kyauk Ta Lin, and Alae Sakhan villages, in Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division; and each village has over 300 households. The majority of villagers from those villages are dependent on the income gained from producing betel nut and rubber, along with crop cultivation. Others work in Thailand or as local merchants, trading cattle. Those villages are under largely within the zones of control of the LIB No.282 and LIB No.273, though there is frequent interference from insurgent groups as well.

According to locals who were interviewed for this story, three or four villagers were abducted by three unknown Mon rebels and taken behind the primary school of Lort Taing, in Lort Taing village, Yebyu Township. There, gunfire erupted without warning from columns No. 1 and No. 2 of LIB No.282, who were notified by local informants that the kidnapped villagers were being held at the back of the primary school by unidentified Mon rebels. The attack resulted in two villagers killed; one was killed immediately, while the other died on a truck carrying him to his home. Another surviving villager was seriously wounded and one of the Mon rebels was wounded. The two unwounded rebels were able to escape, while the injured kidnapper was arrested by the troops. At least one remaining kidnapped villager survived unscathed.

On Sept.26, 2011, Daw Mya Cho (not real name), an owner of a small shop in Kyauk Ka Din village, gave this account of the events:

Yesterday around 7 PM four villagers were taken away by three unnamed Mon rebels and kept at the back of a primary school in Lort Taing village. Of the four villagers, two villagers were Nai Kyaw Wai [not real name], 65, and his son Nai Oung Rot [not real name] from Han Gan village, Ye Township. And another one was a resident of Kyauk Ka Tin village, while the last one was from Lort Taing village. Nai Kyaw Wai and his son Nai Oung Rot, as well as the Kyauk Ka Tin resident, have their own betel nut and rubber plantations in the west of Lort Taing village, and they were in their plantations when they were taken away.

Because they found out from their informants, the Burmese troops from LIB No.282 headed straight to the place where the rebel group and four villagers were hiding and they fired right away when they saw them. So, right on the site, a villager, who is Karen and unmarried, from Lort Taing village, was shot and killed. And, two other villagers, one from Han Gan village and another one from our village, as well as a rebel, were wounded. But, Nai Oung Rot and other two rebels did not get shot or wounded, and the two other rebels fled the scene. The wounded rebel was caught by the LIB No.282’s troops.

A villager from Kyauk Talin reported on the fate of the other two wounded villagers;

After getting wounded, Nai Kyaw Wai was taken on a truck headed to his village. But, when they arrived at the entrance village of Kalaw, he died. And, another kidnapped villager, the Kyauk Ka Din villager, was wounded and taken to Ye hospital.

Because of this incident, many local residents are worried that they will be prohibited from traveling to their farms and betel and rubber plantations outside the villages soon. This is because the local residents usually face harsh 24-hour restrictions on travel outside of their villages. These orders come from the government battalions’ commanders, citing the presence of insurgent groups in the area.

A villager from Kyauk Ka Din explained the travel restrictions were a common occurrence when rebel groups were operating in the area:

Now, we are very worried that we’ll not be allowed to go to our farms and plantations to work. This is because we have been forbidden from traveling outside of our villages to our farm and plantations many times before. It’s the order from the Burmese soldiers not to go outside the villages. This happens when there is a group of rebels gathering outside the village and Burmese troops get information that the rebel groups are gathering in plantations – or after they the rebels have passed by the villages or do like this [kidnap locals].

In shock over the incident and regretful for the deaths, a Kyauk Ka Din villager added that it was wrong to inform the government soldiers of the kidnapping by the rebels:

The informants should have not reported about this to LIB No.282 because, as we heard, the bad people [rebels] did not get killed but the good people [innocent villagers] were killed. And it should not be like this. Also, this occurrence may cause us to be prevented from traveling to our farms and plantations. And maybe we’ll be too afraid to travel, as well.

It’s quite clear that these villagers’ troubles stem not just from the government troops, but from rebel groups as well. And due the constant state of conflict, the fighting puts enormous hardship on farmers who cannot travel to their fields and plantations. Cultivators in this region depend on their crops and produce for their livelihoods, which will disappear as their crops over ripen or die.

Due to the presence of various Mon, Karen, and Tavoy insurgent groups, the Burmese Army has designated Lort Taing village, along with many other villages under the administration of northern Yebyu Township and southern Ye Township, as a free fire zone – otherwise known as a “black area”. As a result, the outbreaks of violence between the government’s troops and insurgent forces take place frequently in the region, and several human rights abuses have been reported in the ongoing conflict.

Living with her parents Nai– and Mi- in the fisherman village Pai Karain Khawzar, the girl is a 5^th grade student attending Middle School located in the nearby Karainkanga village. The walk from the girl´s home village to the school is 1,5 miles long, taking about 20 minutes each way.

At 4: 30 pm on October 21st, the girl began her daily walk back from school. On the way, she had to pass a Coconut garden often used as a resting area for soldiers. Our sources has informed us that the ambush probably found place somewhere between this resting area and the girl´s home village; Captain Way Lin Phyo following her from this point. The Captain grabbed the girl by her arm after pulling her by her shirt. As a result, the girl immediately shouted for help. Her brother heard the scream, and came to her rescue.

This is not the first time Captain Way Lin Phyo is violating the rights of citizens living in Khawzar Township. Last year, he was reported stealing gold in the Ham Gam village.

Latest news: On October 24^th, the IB No. 31 ordered the girl to come to the Battalion for her to sign a paper stating this incident never occurred.

Source: Field reporter under collaboration of Mon Affair Union reporting to WCRP.