Money extorted from local fishermen

The officials and soldiers of the navy administrative unit No. 43, which operates under Mawrawaddy Navy Command, number more than sixty troops and have bases in the Yebyu Township villages of Own-pin-kwin, Kywe Thone Nyi Ma, Kadike harbor, and Kyauk Hta Yan. The troops have extorted money from people with marine-related businesses or fishing-boat owners in the villages near their bases. In February alone, fees of 30,000 kyat, gasoline, and fishing products were unfairly seized from 210 owners of small or large fishing-boats in Kyauk Hta Yan and Da-Min-Seik villages, according to locals.  Ko Ngwe Own (pseudonym), a 44-year-old Kyauk Hta Yan resident, feeds his six family members by fishing off a small boat powered by a Honda engine. On February 18^th, he reported that the military troops, police, and navy units have extorted money from him over his entire fishing career, creating a situation in which he struggles to provide for his family. Even in this era of new government, there is no decline in the bribery and extortion committed against civilian populations. In fact, the violations are increasing dramatically.

“During my 20-year career as a fisherman, I have always faced extortion, even up to today.  It is heard that other regions are peaceful, but the conditions in our region are still bad.  Now, each month I have to pay 30,000 kyat to Captain Min Zaw Moe of Navy 43 and his staff.  They justify the fee by saying they provide security and grant a monthly fishing-permit.  I merely own a small boat, so I have to work the whole day to cover my daily food costs, not including 5000 kyat for gasoline.  Sometimes, we don’t catch anything.  They should lower their demands.  In Kyauk Hta Yan village alone, there are over eighty villagers required to pay this “boat-tax.”  You can calculate how much [the troops] get if each villager has to pay 30,000 kyat.”

The monthly 30,000 kyat fee is demanded only of engine-powered boat owners.  Ko Min Chit, a 39-year-old Kyauk Hta Yan resident, fishes in a small boat without an engine. At the end of February, he reported that the troops from naval unit No. 43 were demanding a weekly gallon of gasoline and 200 prawns from rowboat owners who only fish periodically.

“The engine-less boat owners have to pay 5,000 kyat, or the equivalent of a gallon of gasoline, per week.  [The troops] will not give receipts, so if another group demands the same payout that week, we have to pay again.  Normally, the 5,000-kyat fee is paid to Sergeant Kyi Wai and his group, who work under Captain Min Zaw Moe.  There are over forty villagers in the same situation as me.  If the troops come across a prawn-catching boat, 200 prawns are demanded.  If there is any failure to pay, a work-permit isn’t granted on the following day.  My uncles have to pay 200 prawns daily.”

Forced labor and boat commandeering

On top of seizing prawn hauls or exacting fees, locals explained that troops also commandeer boats to transport high-ranking naval administrative officials and force residents to labor in local army units.  Male villagers and boat owners in Kyauk Hta Yan and Da-Min-Seik villages described how they were forced to work for the navy unit in March.

“My boat was commandeered for two consecutive days in mid-March, during a visit from Moulmein and Tavoy Navy executive officials. I was unable to raise money for food and they used four of my gallons of gasoline during that time.  Meanwhile, eight other boat owners also had their crafts seized.  A lieutenant colonel led the visit, and Captain Min Zaw Moe ordered us to yield our boats. None of us could work our jobs.  Around twenty ordinary villagers from Kywe Thone Nyi Ma who aren’t in the fishing industry or rubber plantation owners were forced to work on Kadike Base, welcoming high-ranking visitors.  The village administrators managed everything.”

Ko Kyaw Min Htike, a 22-year-old Kyauk Hta Yan resident, said that motorbikes with full tanks of gasoline were also commandeered to transport the patrol navy soldiers.  The troops carelessly and roughly handled the bikes, but then were not accountable for their actions.

“These incidences are occurring under the civilian government of President U Thein Sein; therefore, we want the government to stop the military.  We want nothing else.  If the situation changes and we are allowed to live freely, then no one will want to flee this place (Kyauk Hta Yan),” said 55-year-old boat owner U Thin Po during an interview on March 24^th. He added that one of his sons fled to Thailand in late 2011 after getting in a fight with a navy soldier and subsequently being severely tortured.

“Kyauk Hta Yan, Da-min-seik, and Kywe Thone Nyi Ma are villages that have never tasted peace.  Land confiscation, forced labor, money extortion and other abuses are still occurring today. In 2011, Navy No. 43 confiscated plots of land in Kywe Thone Nyi Ma and Min Thar villages.  The government never resolved that crime.  Since we are in a transition period, I would like to urge governors and members of parliament (MP) of each particular state or division to stop the violations against civilians committed by the Navy No. 43.”

Young Buddhist monk Zaw Latt, otherwise known as Ashin Oak-kan-sa, was put in prison by the military regime to serve his 15 years sentences under three different charges including a violation of Burma’s draconian Electronics Act. On January 7, 2010 he was arrested by military intelligenceand local policemen, in Kya-khine-ye ward, Thanpyuzayat Town after distributing posters opposing the 2010 general elections and the Guiding Star newspaper in Krain Ka-rate village and the nearby  Thanbyuzayat Township.

This below is an interview with Ashin Oak-kan-sa conducted by HURFOM. In the interview Ashin Oak-kan-sa shares his opinions on future freedoms and rights of Mon people,the military regime-drawn 2008 Constitution, the varyingpoints of view on federal systems amongpolitical prisoners, and his personal experiences as a prisoner of conscience.

Question: In your opinion, what kind of future can we hope for for our Mon nationals to get freedoms and rights?

Answer: In my opinion, for our Mon nationals to get freedom, first, since there are many ethnic groups in our country, and they all want the country to become a federal union, we have to establish our country as a federal union. And, from that, we will get the freedom that we want and the rights to do what we want to do. Then, from that, we can get freedom for our Mon nationals.

Question: What is your opinion on the 2008 Constitution?

Answer:  If we look back at the 2008 Constitution, there are very few opportunities and rights for minority ethnic groups. If we just go through this 2008 Constitution, for the people in Burma and minority ethnic groups, there is no hope for equality, which is what we want. Obviously, this is because the Constitution only includes few rights for minorities – the rights are very, very few. And, this is because the Constitution was drawn by no representatives representing on behalf of the minorities, but by the government itself. So, we can not accept this 2008 Constitution.

Question: Do you think the 2008 constitution should be re-drawn by the government itself again or together with representatives of ethnic minorities?

Answer: This 2008 Constitution should be re-drawn. The representatives from ethnic minorities and people must be included in drawing the Constitution. The real representatives from the people and minorities must participate in drawing the Constitution. So, that will be the federal system. I believe that that is the only way to be a federal system. And, from that step, the federal system, we can later get the freedom and rights for our Mon people.

Question: Did you get the chance to talk with other political prisoners about the future of Burma? If yes, what did you and other political prisoners discuss? And, were there any different perspectives between ethnic political prisoners and Burman political prisoners?

Answer: When I was in prison, we, together with many other ethnic political prisoners, used to have discussions. When I met with ethnic political prisoners, I always came across the discussion and agreement that we must have a federal system in our country. I heard the same voice from ethnic political prisoners, to have a federal system. But, from the views of Burman political prisoners, they did not agree with this federal system.  They did not want to discuss about the federal system – they said that this federal system will lead the country to split apart. But, we, the ethnic political prisoners, said a federal system is the one structure that can lead the country to unity – not to separate and split apart. And, only a federal system can make the country a united country.  Those are the different opinions and voices from the Burman political prisoners and the ethnic political prisoners, and that is what I heard during my prison term.

Question: Could you tell us why you were chased and arrested by the military intelligence and policemen in Thanbyuzayat Town? What were you doing before the arrest?

Answer: It was when I was on the back of a motorbike heading to Krain Ka-rate village, and yes, some devices were brought with me before I was chased and arrested by the military intelligence and policemen. Actually, I was heading to Krain Ka-rate village to copy some CDs as the memory of the video-recorder was full with data and the monastery in Krain Ka-rate had computers.  Also, there was a celebration of a deceased monk at the time.

I distributed small posters and stuck the posters on some vehicles, cars and motorbikes, and on the way, I stuck some posters on the utility poles. The posters were about opposing the upcoming 2010 election. Right after I hung up the posters, I shot the videos. Also, at the time, there was a sentence at the bottom of every Mon National Day signboard, which had been erased by the government. Itwas the anniversary of the 63^rd Mon National Day. There was an order from the district governor to erase the last sentence on the announcements of Mon National Day right after the signboards were put up. I was taking the photos of the erased part of the announcements. And, I already took the videos and distributed the posters boycotting the general elections. These activitities were intended to alert the media,that was my plan.

Question: Could you explain how you were chased and arrested by the military intelligence and policemen? How did you run with your bag, which included some technical devices?

Answer: Actually, my first plan was to go to Krain Ka-rate village. I knew that there were policemen and military intelligence following me at the time. One of them had a phone and they were in plain clothes.  When I took a tricycle they would take tricycles too. I got off the tricycle at the entranceof Krain Ka-rate. I knew clearly that the men were military intelligence and police. Then, I accompanied one local youth and I headed into an Internet café.  Worse yet, the connection was down so I could not hide in the Internet Cafe and had to leave  the café and headed to Krain Ka-rate village. I took a motorbike taxi and right after driving outside Thanbyuzayat Town and arriving a Kuu Yar-bar village another motorbike followed. They stopped our motorbike and asked me where I was heading to,and, I said I was heading to Krain Ka-rate village. Then, they told me that one official from Thanbyuzayat wanted to see me,I asked why and what he wanted to do with me. They replied that they did not know. I told them I could not meet with the official as I was in hurry, butthey retaliated and told me I could go after my errands to meet the official. At the time, I knew what was happening, but I still maintained myself not to panic or get frightened. I agreed to see the official and we turned our motorbikes arounddriving and drove to see the official.  While I was on the motorbike heading to see the official, I thought that I should not let myself get caught and that I would run away,so I asked the motorist to drive me away. But, the motorist said he could not drive me away as his motorbike’s license wasclearly visible. And he added that if he drove away, he would be caught. I understood his case, and I thought that I would let them arrest me. However, when we arrived near Kya Khaing Yae quarter in Thanbyuzayat, I asked the motorist to slow down and I got off the motorbike andran away. I was very worried, not just for myself, but I was also worrying for others since there was a lot of data in the computer, video-recorder and camera. After running for a while I went into a home. But, they were just following me. The homeowner asked me if they could help hide my stuff,but it was too late. At the time, I still had three posters left in my bag. The remaining three posters were the main problem as they have already seen the posters. They caught me and took me to the police station. At the police station, they did not check my computer and videos, but they asked me where I was heading to and I replied to them that I was heading to Krain Ka-rate village for the celebration being held for the deceased monk.

Question: Where were you taken to after the questioning at Thanpyuzayat Police Station? Had you already been disrobed at the time?

Answer: I was taken to Moulmein at about 8 PM, and we arrived in Moulmein around 9:30 PM. I was sent to No.5, Special Branch of Police Office, which is located on the top of a mountain.

No, I was still in monk robe when I was being questioned at the Thanbyuzayat police station, but I was handcuffed.

Question: What did the government officers at the No. 5 Special Branch of Police Office do to you? When were you forced to disrobe and how did the officers make you disrobe?

Answer: Arriving at the office I was ordered by the officers to sit down right at the entrance office, where people take off their shoes, with my monk robe. As ordered, I sat down. But, a bit later, another officer found it inappropriate and let me siton a chair. Then, they said,“Because of you, we are starving and suffering.” And they tried to disrobe me. They phoned a Mon monk at San-kae Nae-ka monastery first. After talking on the phone, which I could not hear the officer told me, “You are no longer a Buddhist monk. the chairman of San-kae Naka monastery said so. So, you can take off your robes now.” I responded,“It is nothing concerning you: I myself know whether or not I am a monk.” Then, they said “We do not know about that. We have to follow orders given from the high ranking officials, and we do not know other things. So, take off your robes.” Yet, I did not take off my robes and I just stood there.  But, they said “If you do not take off your robes, we will do take it off.” And, they just pulled down my robe.  At the time, I felt very sad, my tears ran down my face, thinking that I never thought they could do to this to me. After taking off my robe, they gave me some clothes to put on. They then sent me to main No. 5 office, where they opened the case and started questioning me.

Question: How did the officers question you and did they treat you well while you were at the office?

Answer: At the place, where they were questioning me, there were 15-20 people. And, there were five to six guys surrounding me to beat me if I did not answer the questions.  The men started harassing me after I was disrobed.  It was obvious that they would beat me if I did not answer their questions. At the office, I was bombarded with endless questions the whole night, from evening until the next morning.They questioned me on whom I worked with and if there were any other people concerned with the case.

Question: So, what did you tell them when you were being interrogated?

Answer: Well, actually, I had already sworn to myself while I was on the truck being taken to Moulmein from Thanbyuzayat that I would accept this case by myself; I would not accuse my friends, monks and laypersons, and our Mon organizations. I would not betray them, and I would accept this case and face through it by myself. I told them that this case concerned no one but only me.

Question: When were you sent to Rangoon after being kept and questioned at No. 5, Special Branch of Police Office? Where were you sent to and what happened after that?

Answer: I was sent to Rangoon from Moulmein on 8^th Jan, 2010 in the afternoon.  We arrived in Rangoon around 2-3 AM the next morning.  In Rangoon, they opened the case in the court of law at the office of Aung Thabyay Sitt Kyaw Police Station, 8 miles Ward, Mayam Gon Township.  They investigated me for two nights and two days and they gave me nothing to eat and drink for two days.  That was what their policy, not to give food and water if their questions were not answered.  

Question: How were you interrogated and tortured while you were kept at the Aung Thabyay Sitt Kyaw Police Station?

Answer: They used many techniques like tricking and persuading me to answer their questions.

Among the many types of tortures they did to me, one type that hurt the most was when they would beat my head and my face with their boots.  They took off their boots, and from behind they beat my head and face with their boots. They did this because I did not answer their questions.  They also tortured me in many different ways. However, they did not torture me to permanently disfigure me. Besides that, they tortured me physically and  tortured me mentally. They were trying to persuade me to tell them everything. Yet, I was aware that they would trick me  to talk.  What they said was that if I did not tell them who and what they want to know, my case is such a big one that they would detain me for up to 40-50 years. But, if I told them information that they wanted to know, they would reduce the years of imprisonment. They were trying to convince me by saying that was in their hands to reduce and increase the time served in prison and that they could even release me. I knew that they were tricking me. That is how they tricked and persuaded people. Another tactic they used was telling me that they would arrest the abbot from Naing-ha Lain village and my parents. Frightening me like that, my tears ran down my face, and they asked me whether or not I was afraid. I asked them in return “Why they were concerned with this?”  They replied “Whether or not it concerns them, it is our responsibility to arrest your teachers and parents.”  That was how they frightened me.  That’s the time they interrogated me.

Question: At the Aung Thabyay Sitt Kyaw Police Station in Rangoon, how long were you kept there and what did they do to you while you were kept there?

Answer: At that police station, I was kept there for about 23 days, and I was questioned non-stop for two days and two nights. They also sometimes interrogated me on other days.  They bombarded me with endless questions on the first two days that I had got there. They did not let me rest and sleep nor did they give me something to eat and drink. I was worried about my friends. Concerned with their interest in myphotos and videos. I would counteract their questioning with the fact that photography and film have been my hobbies  since childhood. I was very interested in them since I was young. Whenever I went anywhere, I always took my camera and shot photos, that is my hobby. Also, at any meeting, whether or not they invited me to attend, I always went there to participate and when I got there I always took photos and videos. I did not know what their meetings were. They were none of my business and I did not care about that. People did not ask me about my ideas and opinions  and I did not tell them eitherBecause there were lots of photos in the camera, I could make them blurry and complicated. So, they could not know and check out what they were and did not find many problems with the photos. The photos included the entire Mon nationals, and there were thousands of photos. Because there were so many photos, they did not focus much attention on the photos. Yet, what they found problems with me was with the Guiding Star newspapers that I distributed and the posters opposing the general elections,these were the main problems.

Question: When were you transferred to Inn-sein Prison? And what happened right after your arrival at the prison?

Answer: Rhat was on February, 1, 2010, when they transferred me to Insein Prison. Having been transferred to Insein Prison, they opened the case in a trial court in accordance with the laws ofInsein Prison. It took more than 8 months. And, it was on 27^th October, 2010 when they announced that I would be imprisoned. Right after their imprisonment announcement, I said “Thar Duu” three times and I also thanked them. Upon the announcement I was neither afraid or sad, I was even happy. This is because I knew that I was now a Mon political prisoner. Afterward, I started singing our Mon National Anthem right in the court. At the time, their eyes became wide since they did not know what I was singing about. I said Thar Duu and sang our Mon National Anthem as I wanted to show that I was still brave and loved our Mon people even though I was announced to be jailed as a political prisoner.

Ashin Oak-kan-sa is 30 years old and he is a resident of Mu-doon Village, Chaung Zone Township, Mon State. Before his incarceration, he was an assistant lecturer in Buddhism at Aung Zay Ya, Buddhism-teaching Monastery, in Nine-halon village, Mudon Township, and he lived and served as an assistant lecturer there for more than five years.

After his release, Ashin Oak-ka-sa continues his Buddhist monkhood. In addition, he will keep fighting for his beliefs and his people’s freedom and rights through politics and journalism.

]]> http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2212/feed 0 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2209 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2209#comments Tue, 31 Jan 2012 10:15:19 +0000 saim http://rehmonnya.org/?p=2209 HURFOM: Thanbyuzayat Township: Local residents, who are heavily dependent on farming and tapping rubber trees from their own lands for their livelihoods, face abuses of land confiscation, property destruction, and extortion. Government Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62, Military Advanced Training School No. 4 and Artillery Regiment Command (ARC) No. 315, commits these abuses. HURFOM’s interviews, conducted with victims of the land seizure, extortion and property destruction, reveal that local farmers have not only had their huts that were built on their farms burnt down. Additionally, they had their farms seized, while rubber-plantation owners have had their plantations taken over, as well as being extorted. The abuses unveiled in this report took place in Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Aunk, Pain Nae-taw and Ka-line Pa-daw villages, Thanbyuzayat Township. All interviews were conducted between thesecond week of November and the beginning of December 2011.

Gov’t Battalion Burnt Down farming huts after Confiscating the Farms

During the last two weeks of September 2011, troops led by Captain Min Htun, from the government’s Infantry Battalion (IB) No.62, burnt down huts owned by villagers on their farms. Once again, these troops frightened local residents that [if there is any] house, hut or any other construction, built on land marked as ‘Army Land’ by the government, the Infantry Battalion would burn all down. According to local farmers, those farms are not property of the army. Since the land owners/farmers did not have any funds to cultivate their farms, these farms have been abandoned approximately two-and-a-half years ago. However, those abandoned farms were seized by IB No. 62, which was deployed to guard the gas pipeline.

Saw Naing Win (pseudonym for security purposes),owner of damaged property, explained how his hut, which was as large as an ordinary house, a hut to store hay, and a cowshed were burnt down by the IB No. 62:

“I have become so poor that I could not finance my farm, as I did not have any money to invest in it. These investments would include the costs of [paddy] seedlings, fertilizers, pesticides, and hiring laborers. Since 2009, for this reason, my 6-acre farm has been left without being cultivated. Now, the army took over, assuming the farmers no longer work on their farms. Yet, the army men did not only confiscate the farms, but they also burnt down three huts on my farm as they took over the farm. These were all my belongings. Now, I have only two oxen left with me. My daughters and sons are now working in Thailand. Since they cannot send money back, I can not cultivate the farm. It was in September that eight government soldiers came to burn down the huts on my farm. The leader was Capt. Min Htun. But, now he has transferred to somewhere else – that is what I heard. I am attempting to and want to get my farm back, so help me please,” said Saw Naing Win.

According to Saw Naing Win and his wife, similar to their experiences and sufferings, eight other farm-owners were unable to cultivate their farms. These farmers had their farms confiscated in Sa-khan Gyi village and comprised of 48 acres in total. Until today, those farms are left without being cultivated as Army Land and the farms are given to the Sa-khan Gyi village’s administrator.

Rubber Plantation owners wishing to get back the plantations after over one year confiscated

Rubber plantation owners in Thanbyuzayat, expressed that they want to regain and work on their plantations that were confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No. 62. These plantation owners are native to Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Out, Pain Nae-taw and Ka-line Pa-daw villages and stated that they requested human rights activists to help them get back their plantations after they had their plantations seized over one year ago.

“The rubber plantation that our family owns is 8.4 acres.  The rubber trees were as old as 30 years when they were taken over last year. Our rubber plantation was confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No.62 and Wae Kalee based Military Advanced Training School captains. After confiscating the plantation, IB No. 62 charged [us, the owners] 20,000 Kyat for the permission of tapping the rubber trees on [our] own plantation.  After 3 months of working on our farm, the rubber trees on our plantation became 30 years and the trees were pretty old. So, they cut down the old rubber trees. The villagers from Taung Out village were forced to work on cutting down the rubber trees, and then plant new rubber plants during the beginning of the rainy season. For us, we wanted to get back to our plantation. And, we wanted to work on our plantation again. Now, it has been over one year since the plantation was taken over.  I am a bit worried that it will be difficult to request to get our plantation back, if it was confiscated such a long time ago. In this case, for us, we need help from those activists or groups working to improve our land and human rights,” said Nai Chan Dein.

Nai Chan Dein [pseudonym], 46, a Sa-khan Gyi villager, is now working on the remaining three acres of his rubber plantation in Sa-khan Gyi village, Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State. HURFOM conducted an interview with him in the second week of November.

Plantation owners still charged with monthly allowances by the ARC No.315 for not to seize the plantations

A Taung Aunk villager, Saw Pain Phyo [pseudonym], 40, who wants to keep working on his 5-acre rubber plantation recounts that he [has to] continue paying a monthly 30,000 Kyat fee to Captain Taw Zin Htun from Artillery Regiment Command No. 315 for the permit of tapping rubber trees on his own plantation:

“It is as if they took over my rubber plantation. Most of the land [rubber plantations] that has been considered as Army Land, is confiscated by Thanbyuzayat based IB No. 62, Military Advanced Training School No. 4 based in Wae Kalee village, and Artillery Regiment Command (ARC) No. 315. When they took over the plantations, there was no proof shown and there were no official letters that ordered that our land would be confiscated. These officials, acting on behalf of the government would set up signs indicating that our land would be Army Land for four months and then ended up seizing our plantations. Later, a verbal order from Sergeant-level Aye Kyaw from ARC No. 315 came to me that I have to pay 30,000 Kyat in monthly allowances, if I want to keep working on my 5-acre plantation. This was all last year, after the water festival. Now still, I have to pay these fees. But, the people that are in-charge to collect the monthly fees changed; yet people come to gather fees as usual. Even during rainy season, we are being charged although we cannot tap rubber trees during this season. We know that it’s not fair to pay money to work on a plantation that is ours; however, we continue to pay fees although we are short of money. This is because we are just worried that those who can pay will come to work on our plantation and we will lose our plantation if we do not pay 30,000 Kyat every month. Because of these costs, we cannot afford to send our daughter to school. We have managed to survive and pay these fees, so far. To solve this issue, I am not brave enough to report about this to anyone, not even brave enough to report during this new government’s term. I can only continue to wait what will happen. I cannot do anything since the army men are still here. Like me, there are more than 40 other rubber plantation owners who do not want to have their plantations lost and have to pay 20,000 – 50,000 Kyat fees per month respectively, depending on how many acres their plantations are,” remarked by Saw Pain Phyo.

Saw Pain Phyo is 40 years old and he is from Taung Aunk village, Thanbyuzayat Township.  HURFOM conducted an interview with him on 2 December, 2011, after meeting him in Ye Township.

The Infantry Battalion No.62 is based in Thanbyuzayat Town and the Military Advanced Training School No. 4 and Artillery Regiment Command No. 315 are based in Wae Kalee village, Thanbyuzayat Township. It is obvious that the government troops stated above continue to violate the local residents’ rights despite installing a new civilian government. Also, even though the signs of change are startling in the country, for those locals residing in rural areas, particularly in Sa-khan Gyi, Taung Aunk, Pain Nae-taw, and Ka-line Pa-daw villages, Thanbyuzayat Township, no changes have been implemented. Instead, villagers continue to suffer from the same human rights abuses that they faced during the former government – the State Peace and Development Council.

]]> http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2209/feed 0 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2204 http://rehmonnya.org/archives/2204#comments Fri, 20 Jan 2012 05:03:09 +0000 HURFOM http://rehmonnya.org/?p=2204 Northern Yebyu, Tenasserim Division: The local villagers who make their livelihood through fishing along coastal areas of North-West of Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division, were abused by the navy administrative unit No. 43, which, according to the field records, operates under Mawrawaddy Navy Command.  During the interviews, the locals mentioned that the navy units continues to commit abuses such as extorting money, commandeering fishing boats, demanding gasoline and rations and forcing the local villagers to serve as guards.  These field records were collected from ten locals in fishing villages in North-West of Yebyu Township by two field reporters from HURFOM between December 28^th 2011 and January 10^th 2012.

The local navy administrative unit No. 43 has been collecting a monthly fee which ranges from twenty thousand kyats to seventy thousand kyats per household,  as local security subsidy from the villagers of Kyauk Hta-yan village, which has over 160 households, and Da-Min-Seik village, which has about 80 houses.  Ko Thar Kyi (Not real name), 36, who depends on fishing for his living, said on January, 2 that unlike villages in other regions, (his village) had to pay heavy monthly security fee to the government navy unit and have suffered from many abuses, including financial abuse.

“The fishermen from our village had to pay more local security fees.  Fishermen can make money (easily) when they catch more fish and prawns.  Therefore, the navy officials showed reason that the peaceful livelihood of the villagers is due to their fully-supported security services. The households which have only one fishing boat are obligated to pay twenty thousand kyat per month. The households which own more than one boat are forced to pay general security fees on up to seventy thousand kyat every month. Thousands of kyat has been paid to the navy unit No 43.  Our livelihood is just easier than those of hand-to-mouth people.  A big problem occurs on the day we cannot work.  When that time comes, extracting from our saved money for food, the monthly fee of twenty thousand (kyats) has to be paid.”

Ko Thar Kyi and most of his neighbors have to pay twenty thousand kyat to Navy Official Captain Min Zaw Moe who used to be based in Kywe Thone Nyi Ma. Moreover, for military transportation, their boats were commandeered at least three times per month.  Each time [if commandeered] it could last from one day to two days, said Ko Win Myint [not real name], Own-pin-kwin villager and boat owner.

“Besides monthly security fee, our boats, including boat drivers, were commandeered to transport the staff and troops from the navy unit.  We had to use our own petrol during commandeering. Each time of commandeering, the boats were used at least one day.  Two gallons of petrol were consumed per day.  No one dared to complain.  Even the village administrator had to arrange (the commandeering).  When we were commandeered, we could not go for fishing and could do nothing even if we had work to do.  During the visit of the higher-ranking officials, the commandeering could last up to one week.  If the one’s turn coincides with the visit, the one has to be suffered a lot.  During these days, the commandeering without any reasons occurred frequently.  In the previous years, each boat was commandeered only one time per month.  The village headman said that these events happened according to the order of Commander Major Ye Lin Tun.”

Unlike other villagers in Yebyu Township, Kyauk Hta Yan and Da-Min-Seik villagers have to make their livelihoods only on fishing, not on plantation and other businesses.  Even the less-earned small boat owners could not avoid the abuses of the local-based government’s navy unit.  The households who go for fishing with small boats which do not include engine and has to be paddled manually was ordered to pay one gallon of gasoline per month to the navy authorities of Kadike harbor situated in the estuary of the Heinze river, according to U Htun Myint [not real name], 55, a resident of Own-pin-kwin village.

“For the fishing permits of our (small) boats which do not include engines, we had to buy a gallon of gasoline which equates to five thousand kyat in cash monthly (and pay it to the navy unit).  We had to bring the gasoline to the navy base of Kadike Harbor.  It was an order stated that the locals could not go for fishing in Heinze River unless they paid a gallon of gas. Without paying (a gallon of gas), there were nothing they could do. We had to pay with fear.  In reality, no one wants to pay a gallon of gasoline.  In the past, small boats like ours did not need to pay this amount of gas.”

Even the permission of fishing along Heinze River and at its entrance was granted after paying a gallon of gasoline to the local navy authorities. He frequently mentioned that the navy men forcefully demanded good and big prawns and fish that he had caught, said Hla Win [not real name], over 20, as below.

“Forceful demanding of fish and prawns was often encountered. If demanded fishes and prawns were not given to them (the navy men), difficulties was to be expected in the future.  We can only earn money from those fish and prawns. And, if demanded fish and prawns were not given to the navy soldiers, fishing could be banned and we could face further hardship.  Now, like in the past, we are still abused.  Nothing obviously became better.  Fish are not abundantly caught like in the past, so we have to struggle a lot for our food.”

In late November of 2011, a Kyauk Hta Yan-resident youth who lives in Moulmein, Mon State came to the villagers of Kyauk Hta Yan, Own-pin-kwin and Da-Min-Seik villages and delivered papers and information which are useful for reporting to International Labor Organization(ILO).  According to the information, the villagers have the right to report to ILO when they have to be involved in forced labor and suffered from oppression.  However, the authorities of the navy administrative unit No 43 had heard about this news (of sharing information) and a few days later, intimidation from the navy unit appeared, said U Shwe (pseudonym).

“They [the navy authorities] chased the youth who said that the abuse cases should be reported to ILO and they wanted to arrest him, the young man.  He is an educated youth, who lives in an urban area and knows about ILO.  Now, he is not in this village.  Later, it was said that the authorities from the Navy Administrative Unit No. 43 called and intimidated the village administrative team.  The village administrator re-told the villagers that they were intimidated that if there is a report to ILO, and they all will be arrested.  Therefore, everyone is silent and too afraid to report the abuse cases to ILO.”

According to the interviews conducted with locals in Yebyu Township, it shows that the human rights abuses such as land confiscation, extortions (related to owning lands), forced labors, and monthly allowances ( for work permit, which allows the rubber plantations owners to work on their plantations) have increased in most villages in Yebyu Township, despite the aftermath of new civilian government’s installation, which is led by President Thenin Sein, instated in March, 2011 after the nationwide elections.

“Myanmar National Human Rights Commission” (MNHRC) which was formed and is led by the civilian government does not come to collect and document those happening abuse cases, and there is no victim who dares to report up-to-date information to ILO.

“Even the government itself said that the structure, members and policies of the government have been changed. There is no real change and development yet in spite of the government’s claim. This is because the [human rights abuses] cases that locals in the region face committed by local based military men, who do not seem to care and respect the government’s order and power, still exist. In fact, during this transition period, the abuses should be stopped earlier,” remarked by a former school teacher, from Alae Sa-khan village, Yebyu Township.

Comparing with the ongoing local abuse cases, a former school teacher, analyzed the national development and the situation of human rights.

Kadike Navy Command operates under Heinze Naval Region Command Head Quarter and the navy administrative unit No 43 is based in Own-pin-kwin Village located near Kywe Thone Nyi Ma Island.  After late 2010, over one thousand acres of rubber and perennial fruit plantations were confiscated and about 3,000 acres of rubber plantation were surveyed to be confiscated in the mid of 2011. According to reports from HURFOM’s researchers, the local authorities are making money by granting permission to the owners to work in the confiscated plantations after receiving monthly allowances.

This report is titled “Coercion, Cruelty and Collateral Damage: An assessment of grave violations of children’s rights in conflict zones of southern Burma”, and it is released by the Woman and Child Rights Project (WCRP), which was founded in 2000 by members of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) to monitor and protect the rights of women and children in southern Burma. The 24-page report reveals that grave violations of children’s rights such as recruitment of child soldiers, killing and maiming, rape and sexual abuse, and forced labor continue to be committed by the Burmese military, despite the creation, by the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) resolution 1612 on Children and Armed Conflict passed in 2005.Download report as PDF [2.1MB]

Research by the Women and Child Rights Project (WCRP) has demonstrated that grave violations of children’s rights continue to occur in southern Burma despite the creation, by the United Nations, of the Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (MRM) pursuant to United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1612 on Children and Armed Conflict passed in 2005.

The Burmese government has failed to meet the time-bound action plan under Resolution 1612, demonstrated by the fact that WCRP researchers found numerous accounts of ‘grave violations’ under United Nations Security Council’s Resolution 1612 on children and armed conflict. These violations, committed by Burmese soldiers against children in southern Burma, include recruitment of child soldiers, killing and maiming, rape and sexual abuse, and forced labor. Though the Burmese government agreed to the implementation of a monitoring and reporting mechanism (MRM), pursuant to Resolution 1612, to report on instances of these grave violations, WCRP has found that abuses have continued unabated since 2005.

The data detailed below provide evidence of widespread and systematic abuses, the vast majority of which were committed by soldiers from the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military. These confirmed cases of grave violations, taken from just 15 villages in two townships, committed over a period of 5 years, suggest that the Burmese government has failed to live up to its obligations under international law to protect children during situations of armed conflict. Limitations imposed by the Burmese government on the UN country team has made it difficult for them to receive, or verify, accounts of grave violations, in turn preventing the MRM from making a noticeable impact on the continued widespread abuse of children in southern Burma. WCRP’s data strongly suggests that the real numbers of abuses against children is vastly greater than officially recognized.

Additionally, despite the fact that WCRP’s primary research covered only the period from 2005 through November 2010, recent updated reports suggest that all of the violations documented by WCRP have continued to occur over the course of the past year. Despite the political changes that may be underway in Naypyidaw, children in areas where armed conflict is ongoing continue to suffer grave violations. Thus, the international community must take further action to ensure that the MRM can effectively protect the rights of Burma’s children and realize the objective put forth in Resolution 1612, an end to the grave violations of children’s rights.

On 25th, September, 2011, four villagers were kidnapped by an unknown Mon rebel group and taken to Lort Taing village, where soldiers from columns No. 1 and 2 of the government LIB No.282 attacked in a surprise ambush. As a result of the sudden attack, two of the kidnapped villagers were killed, and one rebel and another villager were seriously wounded.

Lort Taing village is located near Kyauk Ka Din, Kyauk Ta Lin, and Alae Sakhan villages, in Yebyu Township, Tenasserim Division; and each village has over 300 households. The majority of villagers from those villages are dependent on the income gained from producing betel nut and rubber, along with crop cultivation. Others work in Thailand or as local merchants, trading cattle. Those villages are under largely within the zones of control of the LIB No.282 and LIB No.273, though there is frequent interference from insurgent groups as well.

According to locals who were interviewed for this story, three or four villagers were abducted by three unknown Mon rebels and taken behind the primary school of Lort Taing, in Lort Taing village, Yebyu Township. There, gunfire erupted without warning from columns No. 1 and No. 2 of LIB No.282, who were notified by local informants that the kidnapped villagers were being held at the back of the primary school by unidentified Mon rebels. The attack resulted in two villagers killed; one was killed immediately, while the other died on a truck carrying him to his home. Another surviving villager was seriously wounded and one of the Mon rebels was wounded. The two unwounded rebels were able to escape, while the injured kidnapper was arrested by the troops. At least one remaining kidnapped villager survived unscathed.

On Sept.26, 2011, Daw Mya Cho (not real name), an owner of a small shop in Kyauk Ka Din village, gave this account of the events:

Yesterday around 7 PM four villagers were taken away by three unnamed Mon rebels and kept at the back of a primary school in Lort Taing village. Of the four villagers, two villagers were Nai Kyaw Wai [not real name], 65, and his son Nai Oung Rot [not real name] from Han Gan village, Ye Township. And another one was a resident of Kyauk Ka Tin village, while the last one was from Lort Taing village. Nai Kyaw Wai and his son Nai Oung Rot, as well as the Kyauk Ka Tin resident, have their own betel nut and rubber plantations in the west of Lort Taing village, and they were in their plantations when they were taken away.

Because they found out from their informants, the Burmese troops from LIB No.282 headed straight to the place where the rebel group and four villagers were hiding and they fired right away when they saw them. So, right on the site, a villager, who is Karen and unmarried, from Lort Taing village, was shot and killed. And, two other villagers, one from Han Gan village and another one from our village, as well as a rebel, were wounded. But, Nai Oung Rot and other two rebels did not get shot or wounded, and the two other rebels fled the scene. The wounded rebel was caught by the LIB No.282’s troops.

A villager from Kyauk Talin reported on the fate of the other two wounded villagers;

After getting wounded, Nai Kyaw Wai was taken on a truck headed to his village. But, when they arrived at the entrance village of Kalaw, he died. And, another kidnapped villager, the Kyauk Ka Din villager, was wounded and taken to Ye hospital.

Because of this incident, many local residents are worried that they will be prohibited from traveling to their farms and betel and rubber plantations outside the villages soon. This is because the local residents usually face harsh 24-hour restrictions on travel outside of their villages. These orders come from the government battalions’ commanders, citing the presence of insurgent groups in the area.

A villager from Kyauk Ka Din explained the travel restrictions were a common occurrence when rebel groups were operating in the area:

Now, we are very worried that we’ll not be allowed to go to our farms and plantations to work. This is because we have been forbidden from traveling outside of our villages to our farm and plantations many times before. It’s the order from the Burmese soldiers not to go outside the villages. This happens when there is a group of rebels gathering outside the village and Burmese troops get information that the rebel groups are gathering in plantations – or after they the rebels have passed by the villages or do like this [kidnap locals].

In shock over the incident and regretful for the deaths, a Kyauk Ka Din villager added that it was wrong to inform the government soldiers of the kidnapping by the rebels:

The informants should have not reported about this to LIB No.282 because, as we heard, the bad people [rebels] did not get killed but the good people [innocent villagers] were killed. And it should not be like this. Also, this occurrence may cause us to be prevented from traveling to our farms and plantations. And maybe we’ll be too afraid to travel, as well.

It’s quite clear that these villagers’ troubles stem not just from the government troops, but from rebel groups as well. And due the constant state of conflict, the fighting puts enormous hardship on farmers who cannot travel to their fields and plantations. Cultivators in this region depend on their crops and produce for their livelihoods, which will disappear as their crops over ripen or die.

Due to the presence of various Mon, Karen, and Tavoy insurgent groups, the Burmese Army has designated Lort Taing village, along with many other villages under the administration of northern Yebyu Township and southern Ye Township, as a free fire zone – otherwise known as a “black area”. As a result, the outbreaks of violence between the government’s troops and insurgent forces take place frequently in the region, and several human rights abuses have been reported in the ongoing conflict.

Living with her parents Nai– and Mi- in the fisherman village Pai Karain Khawzar, the girl is a 5^th grade student attending Middle School located in the nearby Karainkanga village. The walk from the girl´s home village to the school is 1,5 miles long, taking about 20 minutes each way.

At 4: 30 pm on October 21st, the girl began her daily walk back from school. On the way, she had to pass a Coconut garden often used as a resting area for soldiers. Our sources has informed us that the ambush probably found place somewhere between this resting area and the girl´s home village; Captain Way Lin Phyo following her from this point. The Captain grabbed the girl by her arm after pulling her by her shirt. As a result, the girl immediately shouted for help. Her brother heard the scream, and came to her rescue.

This is not the first time Captain Way Lin Phyo is violating the rights of citizens living in Khawzar Township. Last year, he was reported stealing gold in the Ham Gam village.

Latest news: On October 24^th, the IB No. 31 ordered the girl to come to the Battalion for her to sign a paper stating this incident never occurred.

Source: Field reporter under collaboration of Mon Affair Union reporting to WCRP.

Ta Dein village is about 11 kilometers from the town of Three Pagodas Pass on Thai-Burma border. The villagers here are often forced to porter Burmese troops’ supplies and to walk in front as they head out into KNLA Brigade 6-controlled areas.

After the outbreak of post-election fighting between the Burmese government forces and the Breakaway Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) Brigade 5, local residents in Three Pagodas Pass (TPP) Sub-township have been forced to serve as porters for government battalions.

Particularly, the villagers from Ta Dein, Ah Pa-lone, Myaing Tha-yar villages and nearby villages in TPP sub-township, Kyarinnseikkyi Township, Karen State, are frequently used as porters. They are forced to carry army rations, equipment and heavy weaponry like mortars and artillery shells. This is all in addition to walking ahead of the troops, serving as human shields or mine clearers. These residents encounter extreme danger as they are forced onto battle fields and areas controlled by opposing armed groups.

Myint Swe (not real name), said that the LIB No. 543 commander forced the village headman and him to find three villagers in the village to porter and lead the troops to Ah Plone village, even though they thought the troops knew how to get there. He added that the LIB No. 543 have often used local residents to serve as human shields and porters when they were doing military operations in KNLA Brigade 6’s controlled-area.

“They always force villagers to walk in front, show the way, and carry army supplies. We could not refuse their orders. I had to go like that several times already. Depending on when they are doing military operations, we have to find 2-3 villagers to guide them,” said Myint Swe.

Myint Swe, 47, is a wage laborer and a farmer, growing paddy rice on the mountain in t he rainy season. He is an ethnic Karen, father of three, and serves as a community leader in his village.

Instead of finding three villagers and endangering them, the village headman and Myit Swe decided to go porter on behalf of the village. Still, there included another villager, Saw Hla (not real name), making three porters in total.

After they left from Ta Dein village and walked half an hour, Myint Swe stepped on landmine and lost his leg during an ambush attack by the KNLA Brigade 6 between Myaing Thar Yar and Ah Plone villages, which are controlled by the KNLA and located in Kyarinnseikyi Township, Karen State. The landmines incinerated his cuboids and calcareous bones, in addition to causing a little bit of injury to his left hand.  Also, four fighters of the LIB No. 543 received serious injuries when another group of bombs exploded in front of them. The two other porters, the village headman and Saw Hla, accompanied Myint Swe back to the village safely after three days of portering and guiding the government troops into the conflict zone.

“At the time, six government troops took to the frontline and I was put in the second line. When we arrived near Myaing Thar Yar village, I stepped on landmine. I could feel how when I lifted up my leg the landmine went off. After that, four landmines were detonated in front of me and four soldiers were seriously wounded. After the blasts, there was a small burst of small-arms fire in our direction. But the commander commanded his men not to shoot back, so it didn’t last long,” Myint Swe told.

Myint Swe said that the commander paid him 100,000 kyat (3,800 Thai baht) and 1,500 Thai baht for medical treatment. And, he added that if that amount of money was not enough for the treatment, he could ask for more at the troops’ headquarters.

Myint Swe was injured about 8:30 A.M and sent to Sangklaburi hospital, Kanchanburi province, Thailand, around mid-night with his son, who took care of him on October 6. He has been lying in hospital bed for three days already and is still waiting to get operation for his wounded left leg.

Myint Swe’s son, about 25 years old, said, “We received a phone call after my father got injured on the frontline. The soldiers sent him back to village by boat. And, I was with him to come across to the Thai side and rush him to the hospital. He was in critical condition when we arrived at the hospital because a lot of blood had already run out of him on the way. And, when we got to the hospital, the doctor asked me to find a blood donor for him. I knew no one here, so how could I find that? “

“If the situation gets better, the doctor said they would do an operation on his leg,” he added.

Despairing and discouraged with his father’s situation, he described that he did not know how to support his father and his family for survival in the future.

It’s extremely hard and dangerous for lives of local residents in the Ta Dein village, as they cannot escape from being used as porters, human shields or mine-clearers by the government troops. Those who are forced to porter will return to their homes safely if they are lucky; but otherwise, they may be killed or maimed by a landmine.

Even though there are some positive changes taking place in Burma, such as the release of some political prisoners and relaxed internet restrictions and media censorship, human rights abuses are still being committed by the Burmese government troops towards ethnic minorities. Particularly, in the regions of TPP Sub-township, Kyarinnseikkyi Township, Karen State, the use of local residents for service of government battalions as porters, carrying army supplies, and human shields, walking advance of the troops, is still in practiced and has yet to cease.

The Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state-owned company, began construction on the natural gas pipeline between Kanbauk and Myaing Kalay in 2001, and finished in 2002. The 180 mile-long pipeline begins in Kanbauk, Yebyu Township, Tenissarim Division, and ends in Myaing Kalay at the west bank of the Salween river, opposite Pa’an, Karen State.

According to WikiLeaks, the General Manager of Total Myanmar, Nicolas Terraz, reported that the pipeline between Kanbauk to Myaing Kalay does not meet international standards and has already corroded. Also, Minn Minn Oung, the Chairman of Silverwave Energy and personal friend of the Minister of Energy, said the gas pipeline was poorly constructed. As a result, it often leaks gas into the local environs.

The information from WikiLeaks shows clearly that the government knew in advance that gas would leak out and cause harm to the environment. However, responsibility has not been taken by the government or the companies involved. Instead, local residents living along the pipeline are demanded to pay for repairs or face the prospect of more gas leaking into their towns and villages.

HURFOM has documented human rights abuses against residents living in the areas around the pipeline that have occurred since construction began. The areas of concern are Yebyu Township in Tavoy District of Tenissarim Division, Ye, Thanbyuzayat, Mudon, and Kyaikmayaw townships of Moulmein District in Mon State, and Pa’an Township in Karen State. The locals had been forced to provide unpaid labor for the pipeline’s construction and clearing the route, as well as building fences around sections of pipeline that are above ground. Additionally, they have been demanded to pay large fees for the pipeline’s security and repairs, to carry out sentry duty along the pipeline day and night.

Explosions sometimes occur, owing to the pipeline’s poor construction or sabotage by unknown armed groups. In these cases locals were accused of sabotaging the pipeline and later tortured by government forces based nearby. . At other times, members of the Villages Peace and Development Council (VPDC) and various village headmen were blamed for the explosion. In the end, villagers had to repair the damage and bear the costs.

In HURFOM’s 2009 annual report called Laid Waste, it unveiled extensive human rights abuses that occurred during the construction and operation of the gas pipeline. It also revealed that the villagers in Thanbyuzayat and Mudon townships had been forced by local military battalions and authorities to pay for security since the first installation of pipeline. Yet despite the formation of a new civilian government, the extortion of villagers continues. Locals want an end to the extortion, and they would like Mon State’s members of Parliament to do something to stop it.

During September 7th to 10th, HURFOM field reporters gathered findings on extortion related to the pipeline and conducted interviews with locals in Thanbyuzayat and Mudon townships.

HURFOM found that residents living in Phaung-sein, Kwan Hlar, Yaung Daung, Hnee Pa-daw, Abit, and Kamarwat villages located along the gas pipeline between Kanbauk and Mayaing Kalay have to make monthly payments for the security of the pipeline to the Mudon Township Administration and Artillery Regiment (AR) No. 318. Similarly, the residents in Wae-rat, Wae Win Ka-yar, Wae Ka-lee and Wae Ton Gyaung, under administration of Thanbyuzayat Township, are demanded to pay for pipeline security to Infantry Battalion (IB) No. 62 and Military Advanced Training School No. 4.

According to Mi Hla Sam, 53, a rubber farmer in Wae Ka-rat village, interviewed on 7^th September 2011, almost every household is charged 3,000 kyat per month for security of the pipeline. The security fee is either collected by the IB No. 62 or by village headmen. Speaking to HURFOM, she described her situation:

I don’t get any kind of receipt as proof that I had already paid. Usually a corporal carrying a bag comes to collect the fee door-to-door. If I cannot pay the fee, I have to carry out sentry duty – so that’s why I have to pay the 3,000 kyat fee every month. What bothers me now is not just that that I have to pay the fee; it is that I have been paying since the installation of gas pipeline – 10 years ago. Back then, the fee was 1,000 kyat. But now it’s 3,000 kyat per month. I thought that since the new government has already been established, there would be no more fees. But, obviously, that hasn’t happened yet.

Nai Myint Maung, 60, who served as a member of the Village Administration for about 5 years, estimated that Wae-rat village has over 200 households; and in total, it has to pay nearly 600,000 kyat to the local battalions in security fees. And, speaking from experience in the Village Administration, he said that the money collected for security often becomes extra revenue for the local battalions’ commanders:

For a battalion to keep operating, the State already provides it with supplies and financial support. And security is already being handled by them since they have a base here. I knew that they did not need to charge the local residents with the security fee. But, if I criticized them, I would not be able to live here. And because the villagers are afraid, they don’t say anything either; they just pay. Demanding security fees is just for extra pocket money of the battalion commander and the second battalion commander from the regional based battalions. That’s what I found out during my term of serving. It’s not acceptable to keep charging for the security fee because the country now is governed under a presidential system. To stop this, we should urge our respective MPs to help call for ending the security fees. To date, it has been going for almost 10 years, and now it’s time for it to stop.

According to a Karen villager from Wae Ka-mee village, Thanbyuzayat Township, there are records of a meeting held ten years ago between battalion commanders and residents to discuss forming a special sentry guard unit to provide security for the pipeline. In it, the locals were ordered to provide funding. However, since this time guard units did not carry out sentry duty along the pipeline. They would patrol intermittently, while resting on other days. Instead, they ordered villagers to perform sentry duty:

In our village, we also have to go for sentry duty. If we do not want to serve, we have to pay money. We have to pay directly to Burmese army. In other villages, they demanded 3,000 kyat per household. But, because the Karen National Union (KNU) and other armed groups travel across our village, each household has to pay more, and sometimes they charged up to 5,000 kyat. That’s when they have information that KNU is stationed near the village. We always pray that the gas pipeline does not to go off. If it goes off, we, every villager, would be in trouble.

According to Nai Hla Win, from Hnee Pa-daw village, Mudon Township, because there is no transparency regarding the collection of security fees by the administration of this civilian government, it should not be accepted anymore. And in his opinion, villagers should urge one of the Mon State MPs to present this case to Parliament:

We, the civilians, are not starving but we are going hungry. Now, because of the flooding, paddies are damaged. And, as it is rainy season, it’s not time to tap rubber trees either. Besides that, we are forced to pay money for the pipeline security. It has been collected for about one decade by now. And it doesn’t stop even under this new civilian government administration. We should approach State MPs about this and they should present the case at the parliament for the purpose of ending it. For us, we can not accept paying the costs of pipeline security anymore.

HURFOM’s documents, which go back to when construction on the pipeline commenced, show that many kinds of human rights violations have been committed in the areas lying adjacent to the gas pipeline. The perpetrators of such acts were not only the government SPDC forces and local VPDC authorities, but also by the new government’s forces and local VA authorities. Now, after 10 years, the findings and interviews in this report confirm that local residents are still being charged for pipeline security without transparency.  Locals are fed up and do not want to pay security fees anymore. And, because the new government, which claims to be civilian-led, has already been established, this kind of extortion should be brought up at the next Parliament meeting. It is time to end this decade-long injustice against the people living along the pipeline.